Design a psychological experiment paper to investigate the following claim: Eating disorders in are caused by the sustained and high prevalence of advertisements depicting the ideal body as excessively thin.
Be sure to designate independent and dependent variables, as well as a control group and the original group. Write an Introduction and a Method section only, not the Results or Discussion. But build a rationale in your introduction for the hypotheses
, simply proposing how you would go about testing one of these statements NOT the collection of data so there is no need to speak of actual findings.
Example attached, ONLY need the introduction and method part. For 2 pages.
Sex Roles (2014) 71:283–295
DOI 10.1007/s11199-014-0412-6
ORIGINAL ARTICLE
The Effect of Social Network Site Use on Appearance Investment
and Desire for Cosmetic Surgery Among Adolescent
Boys and Girls
Dian A. de Vries & Jochen Peter & Peter Nikken &
Hanneke de Graaf
Published online: 12 September 2014
# Springer Science+Business Media New York 2014
Abstract Although adolescents frequently use social network sites, little is known about whether the highly visual
and self-presentation-centered character of such sites affects
body-related outcomes such as investment in appearance and
appearance-changing strategies. Due to gender differences in
appearance pressures and appearance ideals, these effects of
social network sites on body-related outcomes may differ
between boys and girls. The aim of the current study was
therefore to investigate the relationships between social network site use, appearance investment, and desire for cosmetic
surgery among adolescents and to compare the experiences of
boys and girls. We used data from a two-wave panel study
among 604 Dutch adolescents (aged 11–18). Structural equation modeling showed that social network site use positively
predicted adolescents’ desire to undergo cosmetic surgery
indirectly through increased appearance investment. The relationships found between social network site use, investment in
appearance, and cosmetic surgery desire applied to boys and
girls and were not moderated by gender.
Keywords Social network sites . Gender . Adolescents .
Body image . Appearance pressures . Appearance-changing
strategies . Cosmetic surgery . Plastic surgery .
Objectification . Social media
D. A. de Vries (*) : J. Peter
Amsterdam School of Communication Research (ASCoR),
University of Amsterdam, PO Box 15791, 1001 NG Amsterdam,
The Netherlands
e-mail: d.a.devries@uva.nl
P. Nikken
The Netherlands Youth Institute, PO Box 19221, 3501 DE Utrecht,
The Netherlands
H. de Graaf
Rutgers WPF, PO Box 9022, 3506 GA Utrecht, The Netherlands
Introduction
In their daily lives, adolescents across the world experience
appearance pressures from several sources (e.g., US: Ata et al.
2007; Australia: McCabe and Ricciardelli 2001). For example, peers regularly comment on adolescents’ physical appearance and provide tips on how to look attractive (US: Jones and
Crawford 2006; Ireland: Lawler and Nixon 2011).
Furthermore, magazines and TV shows frequently portray
people who fit the stringent beauty ideals and advertise
appearance-changing strategies (for reviews see e.g., Daniel
and Bridges 2010; Levine and Murnen 2009). The degree to
which individuals experience appearance pressures has been
shown to correlate with desire to engage in costly and risky
appearance-changing strategies, such as cosmetic surgery
(e.g., Netherlands: Woertman and van den Brink 2009). In
2011, cosmetic surgery was performed on 76,755 patients
aged 19 or younger in the US (American Society of Plastic
Surgeons 2012). Furthermore, cosmetic surgery was considered by 30 % of US adolescents (Pearl and Weston 2003). The
interest in these procedures is remarkable given the health
risks and financial costs involved (Zuckerman and Abraham
2008). Moreover, cosmetic surgery among adolescents is especially controversial because their body and body image are
still developing (Sarwer et al. 2009; Steinberg and Morris
2001; Zuckerman and Abraham 2008).
Appearance pressures have also been found to predict
appearance investment (Australia: Slevec and Tiggemann
2010; UK: White and Halliwell 2010). Appearance investment refers to the degree to which physical attractiveness is
important to a person and his/her behavior and thoughts center
on appearance (Thompson 2004). High investment in appearance, in turn, is believed to result in negative consequences, in
particular engaging in appearance-changing behaviors that
may pose health risks, such as exercise dependence (UK:
White and Halliwell 2010), unhealthy forms of dietary
284
restraint (US: Cash et al. 2004), and cosmetic surgery
(Australia: Slevec and Tiggemann 2010). As a result, research
has suggested that appearance pressures may lead to
appearance-changing strategies through increased investment
in appearance (UK: White and Halliwell 2010).
Although research has been conducted to explain the relations between appearance pressures, appearance investment,
and appearance-changing strategies (e.g., UK: White and
Halliwell 2010), there are several gaps in our knowledge.
First, research has predominantly focused on the effects of
appearance pressures from traditional media, notably TV and
magazines, and face-to-face communication (e.g., Australia:
Slevec and Tiggemann 2010; UK: White and Halliwell 2010).
However, adolescents nowadays frequently use the Internet to
communicate and seek entertainment, in particular on social
network sites, such as Facebook (US: Lenhart et al.2010).
Social network sites may form a new appearance pressure,
because evaluating one’s own and others’ physical attractiveness is an important part of social network site use (UK:
Ringrose 2011; Estonia: Siibak 2009, 2010). In line with this
notion, evidence has started to emerge that suggests that social
network site use may be associated with body image and
appearance-changing strategies (e.g., US: Mabe et al. 2014;
Australia: Tiggemann and Slater 2013; Belgium:
Vandenbosch and Eggermont 2012). Social network site use
may thus influence adolescents’ appearance investment and
attitudes toward cosmetic surgery. However, research in this
area is still scarce. Therefore, whether social network site use
influences appearance investment and cosmetic surgery desire
remains unclear.
Second, most research regarding appearance pressures,
appearance investment, and appearance-changing strategies
has focused on girls and women because females seem to
experience greater appearance pressures than males do.
However, males also perceive appearance pressures and it is
unclear if, among males, such pressures result in similar
appearance-changing strategies through comparable processes
(Moradi 2010). Thus, research that assesses and compares
such processes in males and females is necessary to fully
understand the effects of appearance pressures and the role
of gender. Third, to date most research linking appearance
pressures, appearance investment, and appearance-changing
strategies has been cross-sectional (e.g. Australia: Slevec and
Tiggemann 2010; Belgium: Vandenbosch and Eggermont
2012; UK: White & Halliwell 2010). As a result, the causal
directions of the effects remain unclear.
In the current study, we aim to address these three gaps.
Specifically, the goal of the current study was to investigate, in
a longitudinal design, the temporal relationship between social
network site use, appearance investment, and desire to undergo cosmetic surgery among Dutch adolescents (age 11–18),
and to compare the experiences of boys and girls. In this way,
the current study aims to advance our understanding of the
Sex Roles (2014) 71:283–295
effects of media and communication on adolescents’ body
modification strategies.
Objectification Theory
One theoretical framework for the investigation of the impact
of adolescents’ social network site use and the pertinent appearance pressures on appearance-changing strategies is objectification theory (Fredrickson and Roberts 1997). We chose
objectification theory as a basis for the current study for three
reasons. First, objectification theory fits our research aims as it
predicts links between appearance pressures, appearance investment, and appearance-changing strategies (Fredrickson
and Roberts 1997; Moradi 2010). Second, the main tenets of
objectification theory have received consistent empirical support (US: Aubrey 2006; Moradi and Huang 2008 (review);
US: Parent and Moradi 2011). Third, objectification theory
was shown to be applicable to adolescents and adults, to males
and females, and to persons from different cultural backgrounds (Moradi 2010). We therefore expected objectification
theory to be applicable to adolescent boys and girls in the
Netherlands.
Objectification theory posits that objectification, that is,
when a person is valued primarily in terms of his/her physical
attractiveness, leads to viewing the self in an objectifying way
(Fredrickson and Roberts 1997). Objectification can be direct
or indirect. Direct objectification entails that a person is valued
predominantly based on her/his appearance. Indirect objectification, in turn, entails viewing another person who is valued
predominantly based on appearance. The original formulation
of objectification theory was narrower and focused primarily
on (sexual) objectification in terms of the complete reduction
of a person to a (sexual) object (Fredrickson and Roberts
1997). However, scholars have more recently started to conceptualize objectification more broadly and also see appearance pressures as a form of objectification (Moradi 2010). For
example, adolescents’ scrutinizing of each other’s appearance
by teasing those who do not fit the appearance norms constitutes a form of direct objectification. Indirect objectification
occurs, for example, when adolescents view idealized
airbrushed pictures of slim models in magazines. The current
study is based on these more recent and broader conceptualizations of objectification.
Appearance Pressures on Social Network Sites
Although not yet empirically documented, it is plausible that
social network sites exert appearance pressures on their users.
Generally, the visual, picture-oriented character of social network sites, along with the possibility to post comments, invites users to view and comment on the personal pictures
which other users present on their profiles (US:
Pempek et al. 2009). The profile owners’ physical appearance
Sex Roles (2014) 71:283–295
seems to play an important role when other social network site
users look at, and comment on, these pictures (UK: Ringrose
2011; Estonia: Siibak 2009; US: Wang et al. 2010). For
example, in a survey among Estonian adolescents, participants
reported good looks as the most relevant factor determining
popularity on social network sites (Siibak 2009).
The strong focus on physical appearance on social network sites may result in appearance pressures that can be
experienced in two ways. First, adolescents who present
themselves through a profile on a social network site are
directly subjected to the objectifying gaze and comments of
other users. For example, British teenage girls who were
interviewed about their experiences on a social network site
reported that they frequently received remarks about their
physical attractiveness through their social network site
profile (Ringrose 2011). Second, adolescents may witness
that others are subjected to an objectifying gaze on social
network sites. Such indirect appearance pressures may occur, for example, when adolescents read others’ comments
about a friend’s appearance.
The appearance pressure that social network sites may
exert on adolescents is also reflected in adolescents’ behavior on social network sites. For example, in a survey among
Estonian adolescents (Siibak 2009), “good looks†was the
most often named criterion for choosing a certain social
network site profile picture. Furthermore, most young
adults, especially females, “untag†pictures of themselves
if they are unhappy with their appearance in a photo that was
uploaded by a friend (US: Pempek et al. 2009). Some adolescents also edit their photos to create a more physically
attractive image of themselves on social network sites (UK:
Ringrose 2011). In sum, existing research suggests that
social network sites may constitute an appearance pressure
for adolescents.
Appearance Pressures and Cosmetic Surgery
Objectification theory predicts that appearance pressures,
exerted for example by peers and the media, lead people to
engage in appearance-changing strategies (Fredrickson and
Roberts 1997; Moradi 2010). Most people feel they are not
extremely physically attractive, that is, there is room for
improvement (Internet sample msnbc.com and Elle.com:
Frederick et al. 2006). Therefore, experiencing pressures to
look physically attractive will lead them to engage in strategies such as dieting and excessive exercise in order to become
more attractive (Fredrickson and Roberts 1997; Moradi 2010).
In several studies appearance pressures have also been associated with cosmetic surgery attitudes and the propensity to
undergo cosmetic surgery (Australia: Slevec and Tiggemann
2010; UK: Calogero et al. 2010; US: Henderson-King and
Brooks 2009). However, existing research on appearance
pressures and cosmetic surgery attitudes and intentions has
285
focused exclusively on adults. To our knowledge, no research
has tested if appearance pressures also increase adolescents’
desire to undergo cosmetic surgery. This is surprising because
appearance pressures have been found to predict other
appearance-changing strategies among adolescents, such as
dieting behaviors among adolescent boys and girls and exercise behaviors among adolescent boys (Australia: McCabe
and Ricciardelli 2003; Hungary: Papp et al. 2013; US:
Shroff and Thompson 2006). It therefore seems likely that
appearance pressures also predict desire to undergo cosmetic
surgery among adolescents. Specifically, as social network
sites are likely to exert appearance pressures, adolescents’
use of such sites can be expected to predict increases in their
desire to undergo cosmetic surgery.
Appearance Pressures and Appearance Investment
Objectification theory also predicts that appearance pressures
result in increased importance of appearance and increased
behavior and thoughts centering on appearance. In other
words, appearance pressures may lead to increased appearance investment. Research among adolescents and adults has
provided evidence for this prediction. For example, in a study
among Australian women, appearance investment was positively correlated with reading appearance-focused magazines
(Slevec and Tiggemann 2010). Similarly, among British adolescents, higher perceived pressures to lose weight and build
muscle were associated with increased appearance investment
(White and Halliwell 2010). Furthermore, among female undergraduates in the US, appearance-related comments correlated positively with appearance investment (Herbozo and
Thompson 2006). In summary, objectification theory and
research among adolescents and adults indicate that appearance pressures may lead to appearance investment. Against
this backdrop, we expected that more frequent social network
site use, due to the pertinent appearance pressures associated
with this use, would predict increased appearance investment
among adolescents.
Appearance Investment and Cosmetic Surgery
Objectification theory further posits that if appearance is important to a person and his/her behavior and thought center
around appearance, this person will be more likely to use
appearance-changing strategies. Research among adults has
confirmed that appearance investment is an important predictor of appearance-changing strategies. For example, appearance investment was positively associated with dietary restraint and exercise dependency among Canadian female undergraduates (Lamarche and Gammage 2012). As cosmetic
surgery is also an appearance-changing strategy, greater investment in appearance has also been found to be related to
more positive attitudes about cosmetic surgery and a greater
286
wish to undergo cosmetic surgery among both male and
female adults (US: Frederick et al. 2007a; Sarwer et al.
2005; Norway: von Soest et al. 2006).
Although research has consistently shown an association
between appearance investment and cosmetic surgery desire
among adults, no study to date has tested if appearance investment also predicts cosmetic surgery desire among adolescents. However, there is some tentative indication that the
associations between appearance investment and
appearance-changing activities established among adults
may also hold among adolescents. Research in the UK, for
example, has shown that adolescent boys and girls who reported greater investment in appearance also reported greater
need for exercise (White and Halliwell 2010). Based on
objectification theory and previous research we thus expected
that higher appearance investment would predict increased
cosmetic surgery desire among adolescents.
Effect of Social Network Sites on Cosmetic Surgery
through Appearance Investment
If, as just outlined, appearance pressures predict appearance
investment, and if, at the same time, appearance investment
results in appearance-changing strategies, the influence of
appearance pressures on appearance-changing strategies may
be mediated by appearance investment. This is in line with
objectification theory, which posits that appearance pressures
lead to appearance-changing strategies through increased focus on physical appearance. Furthermore, research indeed
suggests that appearance pressures impact appearancechanging strategies, including cosmetic surgery, through increased appearance investment. For example, among
Australian adult women, appearance investment partially explained the link between magazine exposure and cosmetic
surgery attitudes (Slevec and Tiggemann 2010). Similarly, in
a study among British adolescents, the effect of appearance
pressures on a related appearance-changing strategy, namely
compulsive need for exercise, also ran indirectly through
investment in appearance (White and Halliwell 2010). In line
with these findings and objectification theory, we expected
that social network site use would indirectly predict increased
cosmetic surgery desire among adolescents through increased
investment in appearance. Specifically, we expected that adolescents’ more frequent social network site use would predict
greater appearance investment, which would in turn predict
increased desire for cosmetic surgery (H1).
The Role of Gender
Objectification theory was originally developed to describe
the effects of the objectifying experiences of women
(Fredrickson and Roberts 1997). Women and girls were theorized to be judged more on the basis of their appearance than
Sex Roles (2014) 71:283–295
men and boys. In line with objectification theory, there is
evidence from studies conducted in various countries that girls
and women experience greater appearance pressures than
boys and men. For example, Irish adolescent girls reported
having more frequent conversations about appearance with
their peers than boys (Lawler and Nixon 2011). Similarly,
Hungarian adolescent girls experienced greater appearance
pressures from the media as well as from peers than did boys
(Papp et al. 2013). Finally, both US and Swiss girls felt greater
media pressures to look physically attractive than boys (Ata
et al. 2007; Knauss et al. 2008).
Initial evidence has emerged that the gender differences in
appearance pressures experienced from traditional media and
social interactions also occur on social network sites.
Compared to males, females generally seem to be more
strongly evaluated on the basis of their physical appearance
on social network sites (US: Manago et al. 2008). Moreover,
more attention is paid to females’ than males’ physical appearance on social network sites (US: Seidman and Miller
2013).
Possibly as a result of increased appearance pressures on
social network sites, girls have also been found to invest more
heavily into a favorable outer appearance on social network
sites than boys (Siibak 2009). In comparison to boys, the
adolescent girls in Siibak’s (2009) Estonian sample were more
likely to report good looks as the most important reason to
choose their social network site profile picture. Furthermore,
female students reported posting more pictures of themselves
on their social network profile than their male peers (US:
Pempek et al. 2009; Rui and Stefanone 2013). In addition,
compared with male students, female students were also more
likely to “untag†photos of themselves that they did not like
(US: Pempek et al. 2009; Rui and Stefanone 2013). As girls
thus seem to experience greater appearance pressures during
their social network site use, and a greater focus on physical
appearance leads to appearance investment according to objectification theory, we expected that the aforementioned relationship between frequency of social network sites use and
appearance investment would be stronger among girls than
among boys.
Gender may also moderate the effects of appearance investment on cosmetic surgery. According to objectification
theory, appearance investment will result in appearancechanging strategies aimed at improving physical appearance
(Fredrickson and Roberts 1997). Generally, appearance modification strategies are gendered because appearance ideals are
also gendered. While in many countries the ideal for men is to
be muscular (Carribbean and US: Gray and Frederick 2012;
US, France and Austria: Pope et al. 2000), the ideal for women
is to be (curvaceously) slim (UK: Furnham et al. 2006; US:
Harrison 2003; 26 different countries: Swami et al. 2010).
Given these different ideals, objectification theory’s notion
that appearance pressures will result in appearance-changing
Sex Roles (2014) 71:283–295
strategies through appearance investment likely implies different appearance-changing strategies for males than for females. Adolescent girls experience more pressure to lose
weight whereas adolescent boys experience more pressure to
build muscle (UK: White and Halliwell 2010; US: Ata et al.
2007).
Furthermore, in contrast to the male ideal, the female ideal
can usually not be obtained without surgical treatments, for
example surgical enlargement of the breasts (Harrison 2003).
A girl or woman who is highly invested in her appearance may
therefore have a greater desire to undergo cosmetic surgery
than a man or boy who is invested in his appearance to the
same extent. Based on previous research and objectification
theory, we therefore expected that the predicted relationship
between appearance investment and cosmetic surgery desire
would be stronger among adolescent girls than among boys.
Because we expected stronger relationships between social
network site use and appearance investment as well as between appearance investment and cosmetic surgery desire
among girls, we hypothesized that the indirect relationship
between social network site use and desire to undergo cosmetic surgery would also be stronger among girls (H2).
The Present Study
The present study focused on social network sites as a medium
exerting appearance pressures on adolescents. Specifically, we
explored the relationships between social network site use,
appearance investment, and cosmetic surgery desire among
adolescents in the Netherlands with a two-wave panel survey.
The relationships were studied for both boys and girls and
addressed the question whether the relations between these
variables would be moderated by gender. Based on objectification theory and research described above, we predicted that:
H1: As adolescents use social network sites more frequently, their appearance investment will increase, which
in turn will predict greater desire to undergo cosmetic
surgery.
We thus hypothesized an indirect relationship between
social network site use and cosmetic surgery desire, mediated
by increased investment in appearance. This hypothesized
indirect effects model is illustrated in Fig. 1.
Based on objectification theory and previous research described above, we also expected the relationships in the model
described under Hypothesis 1 (Fig. 1) to differ between girls
287
and boys due to gender differences in appearance pressures
experienced on social network sites and gendered beauty
ideals. We therefore predicted:
H2: The indirect relationship between social network site
use and desire to undergo cosmetic surgery through appearance investment (H1) is stronger among girls than
among boys, as both the relationship between social network site use and appearance investment and the relationship between appearance investment and cosmetic surgery desire are stronger among girls than among boys.
Both hypotheses were tested using structural equation
modeling. The theoretical model described under Hypothesis
1 was tested using the structural equation model illustrated in
Fig. 2. In addition to the hypothesized paths, gender was
included as a control variable, to account for potential gender
differences in social network site use, appearance investment,
and cosmetic surgery desire. In addition, a direct path from
social network site use to cosmetic surgery desire was included
in the model, in order to test whether the relation between social
network site use and cosmetic surgery desire was fully mediated by appearance investment (H1). Furthermore, the
autoregressive effects of the key variables social network site
use, appearance investment, and cosmetic surgery desire were
included in the model (e.g., social network site use at time 1 on
social network site use at time 2). In this way, past behavior was
controlled for, increasing the internal validity of the hypothesized relationships between the predictor variables and the
outcome variables (Cudeck 1991; Gollob and Reichardt 1991).
Because we hypothesized that the model and the paths
described in H1 would be moderated by gender (H2), we first
tested whether the model was indeed different for girls than for
boys. This moderation hypothesis (H2) was tested through
multiple-groups analyses of the model in Fig. 2, with gender
now as the grouping variable. In structural equation modeling,
multiple-groups analysis is still considered the most rigorous
way to test whether an influence of interest differs between
sub-groups (e.g., boys and girls). It jointly estimates multiple
models, each within the different sub-groups, and thus tests
separate models for boys and girls. By testing statistically
whether the fit between the different sub-groups differs when
the influence of interest is allowed to vary compared to when
it is constrained, a statistical measure is achieved (expressed
with the Chi-square statistic) of whether the influence of
interest differs between the groups. Generally, when the fits
of the constrained and the unconstrained model differ
Fig. 1 Hypothesized model of relationships between social network site use, appearance investment, and desire to undergo cosmetic surgery (H1)
288
Sex Roles (2014) 71:283–295
Fig. 2 Simplified illustration of
main AMOS model of
relationships between social
network site use, appearance
investment, and desire to undergo
cosmetic surgery. Numbers
indicate standardized regression
coefficients for the total sample
and seperately for boys/girls in
brackets (respectively)
significantly, the focal relationships can be said to differ
significantly between groups, in this case: gender.
Method
Sample and Procedure
The current study is a secondary analysis of a two-wave panel
survey conducted by the Netherlands Youth Institute
(Nederlands Jeugdinstituut) and Rutgers WPF (Dutch Expert
Centre on Sexuality) in 2008 and 2009. The survey investigated adolescents’ (sexual) media use, sexual attitudes and
behaviors, and body image. A screening questionnaire was
sent to all 3,160 members of the Intomart GfK panel who had
at least one child between the ages 11 and 18. Intomart GfK is
an online access panel that consists of 25,000 members who
have indicated to be willing to participate in surveys. Intomart
recruits their sample across the whole of the Netherlands, in
this way increasing generalizability in comparison with convenience samples. Internet access in the Netherlands was
98 % among people under 25 (Centraal Bureau voor de
Statistiek 2012). Therefore, a coverage bias due to the online
nature of the survey is unlikely.
Of the contacted parents, 50.6 % responded, filled out the
screening completely, and gave Intomart GfK permission to
contact their child. Subsequently, 1,600 adolescents received
an invitation to participate in the survey in July through
September 2008. Of these 1,600 adolescents, 1,294 adolescents (80.9 %) completed this first questionnaire. In December
2009, the adolescents who had completed the first questionnaire and had indicated to be willing to participate again in the
second wave were contacted with a request to complete a
questionnaire similar to the first. In total, 604 adolescents
completed all measures that were of interest for the current
study at both time points, which equaled a retention rate of
54.2 % across the two waves. Respondents who did not
complete the second survey differed from respondents who
completed the survey at both time points only in one respect:
they were 4 months older on average, t(1292) = −3.32,
p=.001. There were no differences between these two groups
in terms of gender, t(1292)=.082, p>.05, or level of education, t(1292)=−1.09, p>.05. The age of the adolescents who
completed the survey at both time points ranged between 11
and 18 (M=14.7, SD=1.7 at time 1). This sample did not
deviate from official Dutch population statistics in terms of
gender (50.7 % girls). However, adolescents who attended
higher levels of education and adolescents whose parents were
born in the Netherlands were over-represented in the sample.
Measures
Social Network Site Use Adolescents’ frequency of social network site use was measured with the question: “How often did
you visit Hyves.nl in the past 6 months?†Hyves.nl was the most
popular social network site among Dutch adolescents at the time
the study was conducted (Mijn Kind Online 2009). In its goal,
set-up, and technological possibilities, Hyves.nl is comparable
to Facebook. The response options ranged from 0 (never) to 4
(always) (M=2.4, SD=1.5 at time 1; M=2.6, SD=1.4 at time 2).
Sex Roles (2014) 71:283–295
289
Appearance Investment Appearance investment was assessed
by a Dutch translation of the Appearance Orientation subscale
of the Multidimensional Body-Self Relations Questionnaire
(Cash 1994; Woertman and van den Brink 2008), a measure
that has shown excellent reliability and validity (Brown et al.
1990). The 12-item scale measures cognitive-behavioral investment in physical appearance by assessing how important
the own physical appearance is to the respondent, and to what
degree behavior and thought center around appearance
(Thompson 2004). The scale includes items such as: “It is
important that I always look good,†and, “I check my appearance in the mirror whenever I can.†The response options
ranged from 0 (definitely disagree) to 4 (definitely agree).
Therefore, scores could range between 0 and 48, with higher
scores indicating that the participant is more invested in how he
or she looks and undertakes more behaviors to optimize this
appearance. Cronbach’s alpha was .91 at both time points
(M=24.6, SD=9.3 at time 1; M=25.1, SD=8.9 at time 2).
Desire to Undergo Cosmetic Surgery To measure participants’ desire to undergo cosmetic surgery, they were asked:
“If you could let a cosmetic surgeon change something about
your appearance free of charge, would you do it?†A comparable question has successfully been used in earlier research in
the Netherlands (Woertman and van den Brink 2008, 2009).
The response categories ranged from 0 (definitely not) to 4
(definitely) (M=.98, SD=1.1 at time 1; M=.87, SD=1.0 at
time 2).
Results
Descriptive Statistics
Descriptive information and gender differences regarding the
main variables are displayed in Table 1. In addition to what is
displayed in Table 1, it is interesting to note that at time 1
among boys 58.1 % and among girls 79.1 % visited the social
network site “regularly†to “alwaysâ€Â. At time 2 this was
respectively: 66.5 % and 87.3 %. In contrast, at time 1
25.5 % (time 2: 19.8 %) of boys and 19.8 % (time 2: 5.9 %)
of girls never used the social network site. At time 1, 7.4 % of
boys and 10.8 % of girls reported that they probably or
definitely would undergo cosmetic surgery if it was offered
to them for free (4.7 % of boys and 11.7 % of girls at time 2).
On the other hand, 77.2 % of boys and 74.2 % of girls reported
definitely not or probably not wanting to undergo cosmetic
surgery if it was offered to them for free (80.5 % of boys and
70.9 % of girls at time 2). Furthermore, as shown in Table 1, ttests indicated that girls reported more frequent social network
site use, higher appearance investment, and greater desire for
cosmetic surgery.
Social Network Site Use, Appearance Investment,
and Cosmetic Surgery Desire
As shown in Table 2, zero-order correlations showed that
desire to undergo cosmetic surgery, appearance investment,
and frequency of social network site use were generally positively associated at and across time points among boys and
girls, offering some intital support for H1.
We tested the indirect effects (H1) more rigorously with
a model shown in a simplified form in Fig. 2, using structural equation modeling. This model was also used to test
the hypothesized moderation effects (H2). In this model,
the 12 items of the appearance investment measure were
combined into three parcels using the item-to-construct
balanced procedure suggested by Little et al. (2002).
Items were parceled because this results in more parsimonious models and reduces the chance of double loadings, as
well as the impact of sampling error (Little et al. 2002).
Social network site use, desire to undergo cosmetic surgery,
and gender were included into the models as manifest
Table 1 Descriptive Statistics
Mean
SD
Minimum
Maximum
Social network site use
Appearance investment
Desire to undergo cosmetic surgery
Time 1
Boys/girls
Time 2
Boys/girls
Time 1
Boys/girls
Time 2
Boys/girls
Time 1
Boys/girls
Time 2
Boys/girls
2.03/2.79***
1.56/1.42
0/0
4/4
2.19/3.03***
1.46/1.18
0/0
4/4
22.12/27.05***
8.91/9.05
1/0
47/48
22.80/27.35***
7.95/9.05
0/0
43/48
.77/.95*
1.02/1.09
0/0
4/4
.70/1.04***
.92/1.09
0/0
4/4
SNS use represents the frequency with which adolescent boys and girls visit social network site Hyves.nl (0=never, 4=always). Appearance investment
is the degree to which adolescent boys and girls are focused on and behaviorally invested in their appearance (higher scores indicate greater investment in
appearance). Desire to undergo cosmetic surgery represents the degree to which adolescent boys and girls indicated wanting to undergo cosmetic surgery
if it was offered free of charge (0=definitely not, 4=definitely)
Significant differences in means between boys and girls are indicated with asterisks. * p
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