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El Chapo and Mexico’s Drug War Spectacle
The conviction of Joaquín “El Chapo” Guzmán Loera exemplifies the sensationalism of the
U.S.-backed drug war, and will not change the ineffective strategies that fuel it.
March 4, 2019
Guadalupe Correa-Cabrera and Laura Weiss
Joaquín “El Chapo” Guzmán Loera detained in the Mazatlán Marina in February, 2014
(Rogelio A. Galaviz C./Flickr).
Joaquín “El Chapo” Guzmán Loera, a man once considered the most wanted narco in the
Americas, was found guilty February 12 on all counts, which included charges of running a
continuing criminal enterprise, conspiracy to traffic drugs, and conspiracy to commit murder. If
his conviction holds, he will spend the rest of his life in prison. The conviction followed a highly
publicized three-month trial in New York City that cost millions of dollars, with heavily armed
law enforcement required to protect the jury. There are still questions surrounding his final
sentencing, which is currently scheduled for June 25. Meanwhile, El Chapo’s lawyers are
seeking a new trial, citing jury misconduct.
Some commentators and several media outlets have called this spectacle the “trial of the century”
since it revealed the inner workings of the Sinaloa Cartel that El Chapo led for two decades, and
the alleged operations of a network of Mexican drug traffickers, entrepreneurs, and corrupt
Mexican politicians at the highest levels. High-level narcos who worked closely with or knew
the operations of Guzmán Loera, testifying as protected witnesses in exchange for reduced
sentences, as well as the testimony of convicted criminals, exposed the most obscure elements of
the Sinaloa Cartel’s innerworkings and the involvement of Mexican authorities and their allies.
In the 12 years since ex-president Felipe Calderón proclaimed the beginning of Mexico’s War on
Drugs, over 200,000 people have died and 35,000 have disappeared.Indeed, the conviction sends
a message to cartel leaders in Mexico about impunity: if El Chapo can be convicted, then so can
others. Yet this line of thinking serves only to justify the continuation of the U.S.-led “kingpin
strategy” in Mexico and other parts of the Americas, which focuses on taking down individual
capos (drug cartel leaders), rather than the power structures that perpetuate violence in our
hemisphere. This strategy, part of the U.S.-funded War on Drugs, has left lower-level cartel
leaders vying for power, thus sparking turf wars throughout Mexico and increasing suffering and
violence in the country. In the 12 years since ex-president Felipe Calderón proclaimed the
beginning of Mexico’s War on Drugs, over 200,000 people have died and 35,000 have
disappeared.
Given this reality, the judicial process against El Chapo, covered extensively in the United States
but not in Mexico, is no more than a spectacle, to use the term theorized by Guy Debord. Not to
mention that his story has become profitable: it’s no coincidence that Narcos: Mexico was
released on Netflix shortly before the trial began. This latest episode of the “El Chapo Show”
had a stellar cast that included judges, law enforcement agents, lawyers, and other major drug
lords starring as protected witnesses. The main characters were Mexican entrepreneurs and
politicians, including former presidents who allegedly received millions of dollars in bribes from
El Chapo and his clan.
The spectacle obfuscates history and context, instead focusing on the charismatic figure of El
Chapo rather than the power structures that perpetuate violence in Mexico or the role of the
United States.The spectacle obfuscates history and context, instead focusing on the charismatic
figure of El Chapo rather than the power structures that perpetuate violence in Mexico or the role
of the United States. Such a retelling appears more of an episodic melodrama than an honest
account of the violence committed not only by El Chapo and his henchmen, but by government
authorities on both sides of the border that colluded with him. It also obscures the discussion of
militarized responses that have wrought suffering and death upon hundreds of thousands of
Mexicans, as well as the negative effects of drug prohibition and how neoliberal economic
policies have excluded many young Mexicans from formal employment.
Within this “society of spectacle,” the El Chapo trial is the product of mass media coverage that
sells stories about cartel wars, warring narcos, love affairs, and corruption scandals. Simplistic
commentary and partial analyses abound in a media landscape that portrays the lives of Mexican
narcos and the corrupt political class, as well as cartel operations. In consuming such
representations, we become spectators to the worst of Mexican culture.
It is also worth noting that this portrayal features no white and/or American villains. As in any
other TV series, Hollywood film, or online streaming content, we are only exposed to “good”
and “evil.” The bad guys are of course the narcos, who bribe dishonest (read: Mexican) law
enforcement agents and politicians. The U.S., for its part, represents the rule of law in the form
of mostly white U.S. judges and white U.S. policemen working within the U.S. justice system.
This story leaves out the deep complicity of the United States—both through its massive
consumption of illicit drugs and the neoliberal policies it has proffered at the expense of many
working-class Mexicans. Nor does it mention corruption in the United States or the nefarious
effects of current U.S. drug policy and U.S.-led anti-narcotics cooperation in the country.
The narrative of the inner workings of the Sinaloa Cartel and the beginnings of the so-called
cartel wars portrays a quasi “failed state,” under the rule of narcos who are capable of
dominating law enforcement agencies, state institutions, government authorities, and politicians
at the highest levels. This identification justifies a much more aggressive and militarized strategy
against these super powerful “bad hombres,” who happen to be brown and Mexican. According
to this account, these narcos are also responsible for causing a crisis on the U.S. side by killing
U.S. drug consumers. U.S. citizens, on the other hand, are the “good guys” of this show—acting
either as judges or victims—with the power to reveal to the world the truth of a “barbarous
Mexico” that needs their support to solve its problems.
The media spectacle around El Chapo makes it easy to miss what is really going on and to ignore
the basic goals of a strategy that serve economic and geostrategic interests—many of which have
their headquarters in the United States. In fact, the information the trial revealed about the
operations of the Sinaloa Cartel and drug trafficking business, as well as networks in Mexico,
gives U.S. law enforcement agencies strategic information about key Mexican businessmen and
politicians, and allows them to exert direct pressure on the new Mexican government. It would
not be a surprise, then, that in the very near future the United States would try to pressure
Mexico to strengthen its anti-narcotics cooperation based on a higher presence of U.S. law
enforcement agencies in Mexican territory. This anti-narcotics strategy could become further
militarized in the current context of criminal paramilitarization, cartel fragmentation, and the
multiplication of criminal groups with access to high caliber weapons who extract rents in vast
regions of Mexico.
The War on Drugs in particular shows us how a media spectacle under the framework of U.S.
hegemony has determined the contemporary history of our hemisphere. Certainly, the United
States is a military nation that declares war on almost everything: drugs, terrorism, communism,
and poverty—whether they are abstract concepts or actual perceived enemies. The United States
justifies military intervention and/or militarization that benefits the U.S. military industrial
complex, utilizing a spectacle of war, from Libya to Venezuela.
It made sense for the United States to declare this war, but from a strategic perspective it did not
make a lot of sense for Calderón to do so on Mexican soil. Mexico has of course been a loyal
ally of the United States for years and has closely cooperated with its more powerful neighbor,
following the advice of its agencies to chase down and extradite drug lords. Such has been the
case with El Chapo and many others, such as Osiel Cárdenas, the former leader of the Gulf
Cartel, and Vicente Zambada Niebla, the son of El Chapo’s partner “El Mayo,” who both signed
plea deals with the U.S. government.
After decades of failed anti-narcotics cooperation and operations, the conviction of capos like El
Chapo will not do away with the narco problem, drug trafficking, or drug consumption in the
United States—where users are now dying at a faster pace thanks to an opioid crisis fueled by
pharmaceutical companies. Despite this, the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) continues
offering the same advice to Mexico, supported by billion-dollar budgets. The agency keeps
implementing the same strategies that end with the failure to reduce drug trafficking to the
United States. Thus, we can only understand the continued support for policies like Plan
Colombia, the Mérida Initiative, the Central American Regional Security Initiative (CARSI), and
the Alliance for Prosperity as a strategy that, while unsuccessful in limiting the trafficking of
drugs, serves to continue the United States’ exercise of geostrategic control over the region.
Mexico will continue bleeding, just as spectators will continue watching Netflix and Telemundo
telenovelas and prestige dramas that further the idea that individual narcos are the real enemies
of societyMeanwhile, the capture of figures like El Chapo and Pablo Escobar, the protagonist of
more than a handful of Netflix series, lends itself to the spectacle of the so-called drug wars in
the Americas. Recently, Nemesio Oseguera Cervantes, known as “El Mencho,” another
important and dangerous narco who founded the Jalisco Nueva Generación Cartel (CJNG), faced
a similar fate. But as occurred after El Chapo’s first arrest during the Mexican drug war, this
could very well lead to more violence, as it did in Sinaloa. Mexico will continue bleeding, just as
spectators will continue watching Netflix and Telemundo telenovelas and prestige dramas that
further the idea that individual narcos are the real enemies of society , while at the same time
ignoring the role of state authorities and systems on both sides of the border. We consume this
entertainment passively and uncritically, as it deepens support for drug wars across the globe.
Perhaps more important, then, than El Chapo’s conviction, is the recent announcement by
President López Obrador that his administration will end the Mexican drug war and instead focus
on criminal groups that extract rents, steal oil, commit crimes, and cause chaos. We could only
hope that this could end Mexico’s drug war spectacle—though history shows that the United
States may be unlikely to let them.
El Chapo and Mexico’s Drug War Spectacle
The conviction of Joaquín “El Chapo” Guzmán Loera exemplifies the sensationalism of the
U.S.-backed drug war, and will not change the ineffective strategies that fuel it.
March 4, 2019
Guadalupe Correa-Cabrera and Laura Weiss
Joaquín “El Chapo” Guzmán Loera detained in the Mazatlán Marina in February, 2014
(Rogelio A. Galaviz C./Flickr).
Joaquín “El Chapo” Guzmán Loera, a man once considered the most wanted narco in the
Americas, was found guilty February 12 on all counts, which included charges of running a
continuing criminal enterprise, conspiracy to traffic drugs, and conspiracy to commit murder. If
his conviction holds, he will spend the rest of his life in prison. The conviction followed a highly
publicized three-month trial in New York City that cost millions of dollars, with heavily armed
law enforcement required to protect the jury. There are still questions surrounding his final
sentencing, which is currently scheduled for June 25. Meanwhile, El Chapo’s lawyers are
seeking a new trial, citing jury misconduct.
Some commentators and several media outlets have called this spectacle the “trial of the century”
since it revealed the inner workings of the Sinaloa Cartel that El Chapo led for two decades, and
the alleged operations of a network of Mexican drug traffickers, entrepreneurs, and corrupt
Mexican politicians at the highest levels. High-level narcos who worked closely with or knew
the operations of Guzmán Loera, testifying as protected witnesses in exchange for reduced
sentences, as well as the testimony of convicted criminals, exposed the most obscure elements of
the Sinaloa Cartel’s innerworkings and the involvement of Mexican authorities and their allies.
In the 12 years since ex-president Felipe Calderón proclaimed the beginning of Mexico’s War on
Drugs, over 200,000 people have died and 35,000 have disappeared.Indeed, the conviction sends
a message to cartel leaders in Mexico about impunity: if El Chapo can be convicted, then so can
others. Yet this line of thinking serves only to justify the continuation of the U.S.-led “kingpin
strategy” in Mexico and other parts of the Americas, which focuses on taking down individual
capos (drug cartel leaders), rather than the power structures that perpetuate violence in our
hemisphere. This strategy, part of the U.S.-funded War on Drugs, has left lower-level cartel
leaders vying for power, thus sparking turf wars throughout Mexico and increasing suffering and
violence in the country. In the 12 years since ex-president Felipe Calderón proclaimed the
beginning of Mexico’s War on Drugs, over 200,000 people have died and 35,000 have
disappeared.
Given this reality, the judicial process against El Chapo, covered extensively in the United States
but not in Mexico, is no more than a spectacle, to use the term theorized by Guy Debord. Not to
mention that his story has become profitable: it’s no coincidence that Narcos: Mexico was
released on Netflix shortly before the trial began. This latest episode of the “El Chapo Show”
had a stellar cast that included judges, law enforcement agents, lawyers, and other major drug
lords starring as protected witnesses. The main characters were Mexican entrepreneurs and
politicians, including former presidents who allegedly received millions of dollars in bribes from
El Chapo and his clan.
The spectacle obfuscates history and context, instead focusing on the charismatic figure of El
Chapo rather than the power structures that perpetuate violence in Mexico or the role of the
United States.The spectacle obfuscates history and context, instead focusing on the charismatic
figure of El Chapo rather than the power structures that perpetuate violence in Mexico or the role
of the United States. Such a retelling appears more of an episodic melodrama than an honest
account of the violence committed not only by El Chapo and his henchmen, but by government
authorities on both sides of the border that colluded with him. It also obscures the discussion of
militarized responses that have wrought suffering and death upon hundreds of thousands of
Mexicans, as well as the negative effects of drug prohibition and how neoliberal economic
policies have excluded many young Mexicans from formal employment.
Within this “society of spectacle,” the El Chapo trial is the product of mass media coverage that
sells stories about cartel wars, warring narcos, love affairs, and corruption scandals. Simplistic
commentary and partial analyses abound in a media landscape that portrays the lives of Mexican
narcos and the corrupt political class, as well as cartel operations. In consuming such
representations, we become spectators to the worst of Mexican culture.
It is also worth noting that this portrayal features no white and/or American villains. As in any
other TV series, Hollywood film, or online streaming content, we are only exposed to “good”
and “evil.” The bad guys are of course the narcos, who bribe dishonest (read: Mexican) law
enforcement agents and politicians. The U.S., for its part, represents the rule of law in the form
of mostly white U.S. judges and white U.S. policemen working within the U.S. justice system.
This story leaves out the deep complicity of the United States—both through its massive
consumption of illicit drugs and the neoliberal policies it has proffered at the expense of many
working-class Mexicans. Nor does it mention corruption in the United States or the nefarious
effects of current U.S. drug policy and U.S.-led anti-narcotics cooperation in the country.
The narrative of the inner workings of the Sinaloa Cartel and the beginnings of the so-called
cartel wars portrays a quasi “failed state,” under the rule of narcos who are capable of
dominating law enforcement agencies, state institutions, government authorities, and politicians
at the highest levels. This identification justifies a much more aggressive and militarized strategy
against these super powerful “bad hombres,” who happen to be brown and Mexican. According
to this account, these narcos are also responsible for causing a crisis on the U.S. side by killing
U.S. drug consumers. U.S. citizens, on the other hand, are the “good guys” of this show—acting
either as judges or victims—with the power to reveal to the world the truth of a “barbarous
Mexico” that needs their support to solve its problems.
The media spectacle around El Chapo makes it easy to miss what is really going on and to ignore
the basic goals of a strategy that serve economic and geostrategic interests—many of which have
their headquarters in the United States. In fact, the information the trial revealed about the
operations of the Sinaloa Cartel and drug trafficking business, as well as networks in Mexico,
gives U.S. law enforcement agencies strategic information about key Mexican businessmen and
politicians, and allows them to exert direct pressure on the new Mexican government. It would
not be a surprise, then, that in the very near future the United States would try to pressure
Mexico to strengthen its anti-narcotics cooperation based on a higher presence of U.S. law
enforcement agencies in Mexican territory. This anti-narcotics strategy could become further
militarized in the current context of criminal paramilitarization, cartel fragmentation, and the
multiplication of criminal groups with access to high caliber weapons who extract rents in vast
regions of Mexico.
The War on Drugs in particular shows us how a media spectacle under the framework of U.S.
hegemony has determined the contemporary history of our hemisphere. Certainly, the United
States is a military nation that declares war on almost everything: drugs, terrorism, communism,
and poverty—whether they are abstract concepts or actual perceived enemies. The United States
justifies military intervention and/or militarization that benefits the U.S. military industrial
complex, utilizing a spectacle of war, from Libya to Venezuela.
It made sense for the United States to declare this war, but from a strategic perspective it did not
make a lot of sense for Calderón to do so on Mexican soil. Mexico has of course been a loyal
ally of the United States for years and has closely cooperated with its more powerful neighbor,
following the advice of its agencies to chase down and extradite drug lords. Such has been the
case with El Chapo and many others, such as Osiel Cárdenas, the former leader of the Gulf
Cartel, and Vicente Zambada Niebla, the son of El Chapo’s partner “El Mayo,” who both signed
plea deals with the U.S. government.
After decades of failed anti-narcotics cooperation and operations, the conviction of capos like El
Chapo will not do away with the narco problem, drug trafficking, or drug consumption in the
United States—where users are now dying at a faster pace thanks to an opioid crisis fueled by
pharmaceutical companies. Despite this, the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) continues
offering the same advice to Mexico, supported by billion-dollar budgets. The agency keeps
implementing the same strategies that end with the failure to reduce drug trafficking to the
United States. Thus, we can only understand the continued support for policies like Plan
Colombia, the Mérida Initiative, the Central American Regional Security Initiative (CARSI), and
the Alliance for Prosperity as a strategy that, while unsuccessful in limiting the trafficking of
drugs, serves to continue the United States’ exercise of geostrategic control over the region.
Mexico will continue bleeding, just as spectators will continue watching Netflix and Telemundo
telenovelas and prestige dramas that further the idea that individual narcos are the real enemies
of societyMeanwhile, the capture of figures like El Chapo and Pablo Escobar, the protagonist of
more than a handful of Netflix series, lends itself to the spectacle of the so-called drug wars in
the Americas. Recently, Nemesio Oseguera Cervantes, known as “El Mencho,” another
important and dangerous narco who founded the Jalisco Nueva Generación Cartel (CJNG), faced
a similar fate. But as occurred after El Chapo’s first arrest during the Mexican drug war, this
could very well lead to more violence, as it did in Sinaloa. Mexico will continue bleeding, just as
spectators will continue watching Netflix and Telemundo telenovelas and prestige dramas that
further the idea that individual narcos are the real enemies of society , while at the same time
ignoring the role of state authorities and systems on both sides of the border. We consume this
entertainment passively and uncritically, as it deepens support for drug wars across the globe.
Perhaps more important, then, than El Chapo’s conviction, is the recent announcement by
President López Obrador that his administration will end the Mexican drug war and instead focus
on criminal groups that extract rents, steal oil, commit crimes, and cause chaos. We could only
hope that this could end Mexico’s drug war spectacle—though history shows that the United
States may be unlikely to let them.
Please submit your reports through Canvas in either of the following formats:
doc, docx or PDF (if you are using Google Docs or Apple Pages to compose
your review, please be sure to convert your paper to docx or PDF before
submitting it). Late papers will be accepted for each submission, but only
for one week after the assigned due dates and will be assessed a full
grade deduction. Please use both a title page and a works cited page
(neither of these pages count toward your 3-4 pages of text). These 3 reports
will count as a combined 30% toward your final grade. In your works cited
page, compose your article entry in a format like this:
Emilio Godoy, “Mexico Bans Glysophate But Tolerates Other Agrochemicals,”
NACLA Report on the Americas website (January 28, 2021).
In terms of the content of each report, I am looking for two main points of
discussion. First, you should devote the first half of the report to a summary
of the main points in the article that you selected. To help you to address
this issue, consider some of these questions: What is the main issue being
discussed? (i.e. immigration, elections, education, environment, women’s
issues, crime, etc.) Who are the main personalities mentioned in the article?
(i.e. Mexican president Andrés Manuel López Obrador, Secretary of State
Anthony Blinken, President Biden, Vice-President Harris, Former President
Trump, etc.) How does the issue affect the people of the country mentioned
in the article? Does the issue have any connection with United States
interests? What do you think could be the best solution to resolve this
problem?
And for the second point of discussion, please analyze the article that you
selected and present your point of view on the story. For example, how do
you feel about the story? How did this article contribute to your understanding
about modern Latin America? And what do you think about the author’s
perspective on the article? How does this topic relate to contemporary
political, economic or cultural themes in the United States today?
Here is a list of articles from the NACLA website pertaining to regions for your
first due date. The dates listed in parenthesis correspond to the publication
date of the article. Everybody, just pick any one article from this list for
your April 16 review. You will repeat the same process for your reviews on
Central America/the Caribbean, and a South American nation. These articles
range in date from February 2019 to April 2021. (The most recent articles are
indicated in parenthesis)
Border Issues/Latinx Communities and Issues:
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
Abolish ICE! Fighting for Humanity over Profit in Immigration
Policy (Links to an external site.)
Border Land, Border Water (Book Review) (Links to an external site.)
Border Shutdowns: State Violence and Psychological Warfare
Performed (Links to an external site.)
Celebrating 50 Years of El Comité-MINP (Jan. 2021) (Links to an
external site.)
Clouds at the Border: Threatened by the Wall (Links to an external
site.)
Dismantling Anti-Blackness Together (Links to an external site.)
From La Montaña, Guerrero to The Bronx: The Story of Victorio
Hilario Guzmán (Jan. 2021) (Links to an external site.)
Immigration Nation (Film Review) (Links to an external site.)
In a Washington State Prison, Latinos are Advocating for Mentorship
and Education (Dec. 2020) (Links to an external site.)
Informal Recyclers Fight for Survival in Gentrifying Brooklyn (Links to
an external site.)
Latin American Immigrants in New York Face Covid-19 Crisis (Links
to an external site.)
Life and Resistance for Migrant Families in the Rio Grande (Book
Review) (Links to an external site.)
Local Paper Covers Pandemic’s Impact in Queens (Links to an
external site.)
Magazuelans: How Venezuelan Americans Embraced Trump as
Their Savior (Jan. 2021) (Links to an external site.)
Meeting Cubans 4 Trump (Oct. 2020) (Links to an external site.)
On the Front Lines of Trump’s Immigration War in the U.S.
Heartland (Links to an external site.)
Reducing Migrants’ Lives to One Grisly Photograph (Links to an
external site.)
Reopening Mass Influx Facilities Goes Against Biden Administration
Promises (March 2021) (Links to an external site.)
Slow Burn, Humid Pitch: Cultivating Care While Livin’ La COVIDa
Loca (Links to an external site.)
The Case for Nuance in Immigrant Stories (Book Review) (Links to
an external site.)
The Deadly Reverberations of U.S. Border Policy (Book
Review) (Links to an external site.)
The Deportation Machine (Book Review) (Links to an external site.)
•
•
•
•
•
•
The Opportunistic Border Logic of the Pandemic (Links to an
external site.)
They Are Concentration Camps—and They Are Also Prisons (Links
to an external site.)
To My Fellow BoriBlancos: When We Say “Down with White Power,”
We Also Mean Our White Power (Oct. 2020) (Links to an external
site.)
Undoing Trump-Era Policies is Not Enough to Transform the
Immigration System (March 2021) (Links to an external site.)
U.S. Asylum Law is a Biopolitical Crisis (Book Review) (Links to an
external site.)
“What better function for art at this time than as a voice for the
voiceless”: The Work of Chicano Artist Malaquías Montoya (Links to
an external site.)
Mexico:
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
23 Years of Impunity for Perpetrators of Acteal Massacre (Dec.
2020) (Links to an external site.)
A Labor Spring for Mexico’s Maquilas? (Links to an external site.)
A License to Pollute at Fortuna Silver Mines in Oaxaca (March
2021) (Links to an external site.)
“A Project for Life” in Mexico City (Links to an external site.)
As Mexican Pork Industry Expands, Environmental Concerns
Follow (Links to an external site.)
AMLO Pushes Ahead on Militarized Megaprojects (Links to an
external site.)
AMLO’s Crumbling Promise to Migrants (Links to an external site.)
Blurring the Division Between Church and State in AMLO’s
Mexico (Links to an external site.)
El Chapo and Mexico’s Drug War Spectacle (Links to an external
site.)
Euphemisms of Violence: Child Migrants and the Mexican State
(Dec. 2020) (Links to an external site.)
For Mexico’s Striking University Workers, A War of Attrition Over
Public Education (Links to an external site.)
“Green Tide” Reaches Mexico as Oaxaca Decriminalizes
Abortion (Links to an external site.)
Health and Economic Crisis in Mexico Hits Informal Sector Workers
(March 2021) (Links to an external site.)
In Mexico, the Threats and Failures of Pre-Trial Detention (Links to
an external site.)
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
Indigenous Communities in Mexico Take up Arms to Defend the
Monarch Forest (March 2021) (Links to an external site.)
Julián Leyzaola’s Dangerous Plans for Tijuana (Links to an external
site.)
López Obrador’s Public Enemy Number One (Links to an external
site.)
Machista Media Get it Wrong on Feminist Protests in Mexico
(Interview) (Links to an external site.)
Maquiladoras and the Exploitation of Migrants on the Border (Links
to an external site.)
Mexican Police Who Massacred Guatemalan Migrants Get Their
Guns from the U.S. (April 2021) (Links to an external site.)
Mexican Women Call on Government to End Violence (Links to an
external site.)
Mexico Bans Glysophate But Tolerates Other Agrochemicals (Jan.
2021) (Links to an external site.)
Mexico’s Fracking Impasse (Oct. 2020) (Links to an external site.)
Mining Culture Wars Escalate in Oaxaca (Links to an external site.)
Narcos Mexico Is Not the Education We Need (Television
Review) (Links to an external site.)
On the Coast of Oaxaca, Afro and Indigenous Tribes Fight for Water
Autonomy (Links to an external site.)
Pandemic Intensifies Women’s Struggle for Water in Oaxaca,
Mexico (Links to an external site.)
Power and Spectacle on Mexico’s Southern Border (Feb.
2021) (Links to an external site.)
Revisiting the Battle of Culiacán (Links to an external site.)
The Legacy of Samir Flores, One Year Later (Links to an external
site.)
The Rebirth of Mexico’s Electrical Workers (Links to an external site.)
The Search for Answers in Mexico (Links to an external site.)
Today We Protest, Tomorrow We Strike (Links to an external site.)
Translating the Fourth Transformation (Interview) (Links to an
external

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