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Choose a product and analyze how this product’s life cycle has affected diversity, equality, and structural inequalities in the U.S. (or the world)

.  You may consider any product: a product with a physical form (such as clothes, cars, etc.) or without a physical form (such as financial or cultural products).  You can focus on one or multiple steps in the product’s life cycle, from material acquisition, to production, distribution, marketing, use and final disposal. Please integrate course material (concepts, theories, discussions, and lectures).

Engineering and Social Justice
Donna Riley
Smith College
Mindsets in Engineering
“The technical rationality that is the engineer’s stock-in-trade requires the calculation
of means for the realization of given ends. But it requires no broad insight into those
ends or their consequences. Engineers are aware of, are trained to be aware of, these
limitations; insofar as they do consider ends, they cease to act as engineers.”
Robert Zussman [1: 122–123]
This chapter uses engineering humor to draw out some mindsets commonly found in engineering and relates
them to the intersection of engineering and social justice. Some mindsets are so much a part of mainstream
engineering culture (or mainstream culture) that we may be unaware of alternative perspectives. The intent of this chapter is to separate the worldviews from the profession of engineering itself.
The last chapter dealt with developing a definition of social justice. Engineering may be somewhat
easier to define than social justice, but it too has a contested and changing definition. The earliest
uses of the word engineer in the English language (fourteenth century) were used to describe “a
constructor of military engines” or “one who designs and constructs military works for attack or
defense” [2]. In the nineteenth and most of the twentieth century, engineering was, in the words
of Thomas Tredgold [3], “the art of directing the great sources of Power in Nature for the use and
convenience of man.” As the field sought to move away from its identity as a trade into that of a
profession, it emphasized its theoretical underpinnings in science and became thought of as the
application of math and science toward useful ends—typically commercial, industrial, or military:
“The application of scientific and mathematical principles to practical ends such as the design,
manufacture, and operation of efficient and economical structures, machines, processes, and systems” [4]. Emphasis is often placed on problem solving as the primary activity of engineers or on
invention and creativity. More recently, the exploitation of natural resources has been dropped as a
defining element of engineering in favor of definitions such as “the science and art of applying scientific and mathematical principles, experience, judgment, and common sense to design things that
benefit society” [5]. To some degree, these shifting definitions of engineering reflect changing views
about the profession and its role in society as well as the changing values within the profession.
Thus, the profession itself and its meaning in society can and do change, reminding us that we can
shape what engineering is in order to make it more responsive to social justice concerns.
Before examining the relationship between engineering and social justice, I want to distinguish the profession of engineering from some common mindsets one finds within the profession,
particularly those mindsets that, as we will see in Chapter 3, often stand in the way of engineering’s
intersection with social justice. While I recognize that, of course, the profession currently and
historically reinforces and helps create the mindsets within it, I believe it is only through recognizing the underlying mindsets and changing them that the profession can truly be transformed.
The profession has a central role to play in bringing about this change in mindset, and so I begin by seeking to characterize the worldviews which are held so commonly in engineering and
throughout many parts of our society that one may not even recognize that there are alternatives.
I carefully and intentionally do not refer to “the engineering mindset” because I seek to drive a
separation between engineering and common mindsets in engineering in order to create change; I
believe the mindsets I discuss here do not have to be the mindsets of engineers or of engineering.
Indeed, engineering would be quite different if different worldviews were more common, and that
is exactly the point.
Thus, we may not yet have a common understanding of what engineering is, or could be. I
assume that the reader is sufficiently familiar with the profession of engineering and I do not seek
to answer the question “what is engineering” in its naive sense, or in its totality, as many books,
magazines, and websites do in order to recruit students. Rather, I seek to highlight certain mindsets
relevant to the intersection of engineering and social justice. I seek to help engineers see ourselves
with a new awareness of some of the things we often take as given in our profession and education.
Some of these characteristics equip us to work on social justice issues, while others, as we will see
more fully in the next chapter, keep us from working on—and sometimes even from recognizing or
fully understanding the complexities of—social justice issues.
Every profession has a series of jokes about itself, generally told within the group and drawing on
some stereotypes about the profession. Clearly, not all engineers fit the stereotype, and some stereotypes are largely false. However, the jokes make some important contrasts between engineering and
other professions, which reveal something about common mindsets in engineering which are less
prevalent in other professions. If we look at these with an eye to cultural analysis, we can draw out
some characteristics of these mindsets that are relevant to the intersection of engineering and social
justice. These jokes may draw some strong reactions from readers; I ask that you remember these are
stereotypes. We have the power to challenge and resist any of these stereotypes in our own lives, to
develop new mindsets, and to change both the perceptions and the realities of the profession. These
jokes are part of an oral tradition and are related here as I recall them, although most can be found
in any number of online archives (see, e.g., http://www.inflection-point.com/jokes.php).
2.2.1 Joke 1: The Guillotine
A lawyer, a priest, and an engineer are scheduled to be executed by guillotine. The
lawyer goes first, the executioner pulls the cord, but nothing happens. “Double Jeopardy! You have to let me go!,” cries the lawyer. And the executioner does. The priest
is next, the same thing happens. “Divine Intervention! You have to let me go!,” cries
the priest. And the executioner does. The engineer is next. As the executioner gets
ready to pull the cord, the engineer cries, “Wait! I think I see your problem . . . ”
(Figure 2.1).
This joke is rich, revealing multiple perspectives and values. First, there is a valuing of problemsolving abilities and a celebration that engineers can solve problems others cannot—in this case, to a
fault. Part of this ability is credited to another value—exclusive technical focus—in this case, to the
exclusion of everything else going on in the world around us, even in our own lives. Third, this joke
draws on the value of loyalty—an unthinking willingness to accept the authority of the state, such
FIGURE 2.1: “Wait, I think I see your problem. . . . ” Engineers solving problems even if it kills us.
Accessed January 18, 2008, from http://etc.usf.edu/clipart/15200/15229/guillotine_15229_lg.gif.
that an engineer would fix a guillotine even when it is the engineer’s own neck on the line. There is
altruism here as well, a willingness to help other people and to solve their problems, even if it kills
us and even if it betrays a social justice value like opposition to the death penalty.
2.2.2 Joke 2: The Church Steeple
An engineer and a sociologist were tasked with finding the height of a church steeple.
The engineer measured the angle to the top of the steeple and calculated the height
using trigonometry. Then, to check the estimate, the engineer climbed to the top of the
steeple, lowered a string until it touched the ground, climbed back down and measured
the length of the string. The engineer compared the measurement to the estimate, calculated the standard error, and drafted a report documenting the methods and results.
The sociologist bought the sexton a beer in the local pub and he told her how high the
church steeple was.
This joke emphasizes the engineer’s tendency toward “brute force” methods of problem solving and
an exclusive focus on the calculated and measured solution, even if it takes much longer… Perhaps
it does not occur to the engineer to simply ask someone; perhaps it does but a certain social awkwardness gets in the way.
This joke also says something about epistemology, or how we know what we know. While the
sociologist derives knowledge through human interaction, the engineer might not trust the veracity
of this type of knowledge. Instead, the engineer relies on the scientific method, using mathematics
to create an estimate and then designing and conducting an experiment to make a measurement.
This exclusive reliance on the scientific method to reveal knowledge is known to philosophers as
positivism. Positivist epistemology is a common mindset in engineering (certainly, our education
trains us in this way). Without an awareness of alternative epistemologies, one adhering to this
mindset might simply characterize scientific knowledge as “true” or “factual” and view other kinds
of knowledge as “less reliable” or as “opinion.”
2.2.3 Joke 3: You Might Be an Engineer If . . .
You might be an engineer if . . . in college you thought Spring Break was metal fatigue
You might be an engineer if . . . you say “It’s 77 degrees Fahrenheit, 25 degrees Celsius,
and 298 Kelvin,” and all they say is “Isn’t it a nice day?”
Here, engineers are characterized as being solely focused on work and too busy to have fun, or too
focused on technical details to relate socially or just enjoy the day. Whether engineers are not interested in the traditional Spring Break activities involving the opposite sex and drinking, or whether
their engineering education is so overloaded with technical courses and grunt work that they have
no time to even think about Spring Break is up to interpretation; that is, the joke plays on both
stereotypes. The engineer apparently does not know when to turn off the technological approach,
when to stop analyzing/working and just have fun. The values here could be characterized as a
strong work ethic, and a strong and narrow technical focus, perhaps including as well a denial or
devaluing of relationships and enjoyment.
2.2.4 Joke 4: The Golf Course
A pastor (rabbi/imam/priest), a doctor, and an engineer were waiting one morning for
a particularly slow group of golfers. Annoyed, they decide to ask the greens keeper,
who explains that they are a group of blind firefighters who lost their sight fighting a
fire in the clubhouse years ago, and they play for free whenever they want. The pastor
remarked, “That’s so sad. I’ll pray for them.” The doctor said, “I know an ophthalmologist who might be able to do something for them.” The engineer said, “Why can’t they
play at night?”
This joke reveals a mindset focused completely on the practical side, in the interest of problem solving, to the exclusion of human relationships and even basic compassion. Interestingly, engineering
is cast as a profession that is not a helping profession in contrast to medicine and ministry.
2.2.5 Joke 5: Mechanical vs. Civil
What’s the difference between a mechanical engineer and a civil engineer?
Mechanical engineers build weapons, civil engineers build targets.
This is a joke about the military orientation of engineering. It is both a slight against civil engineers
(as in, ha, ha! You just build things so we mechanical engineers can blow them up) and a commentary on militarism in engineering. In one reading, this joke takes the work that civil engineers do out
of the context of helping people have clean water, sanitation, transportation, etc., and diminishes
it by placing it in the military context, in which it is seen as a “target,” destroyed by mechanical
engineers. This reveals a distinct militaristic mindset. In another reading, this is a comment on the
futility of militarism, or simply a matter-of-fact recognition of engineering’s military focus. This
reveals a mindset critical of militarism in engineering. I have heard the joke told in both contexts,
revealing both mindsets in engineering.
2.2.6 Joke 6: ‘I Are an Engineer’
Real engineers . . . have a non-technical vocabulary of 800 words.
This joke (and the joke I snuck in the section header) communicates a devaluation of written and
oral communication skills, as they celebrate engineers’ difficulty in this area.
2.2.7 Joke 7: Real Engineers . . .
Real engineers . . . have politics that run toward a corner office and a parking space
with their name on it.
This joke emphasizes the corporate context in which engineers often work and a mindset of managerialism in which organizational bureaucracy is an end in itself. The popularity of Dilbert reinforces
the centrality of corporate life for engineers. This joke reveals a mindset that is careerist, politically
inactive, disinterested, or uninformed.
2.2.8 Joke 8: The Glass
To the optimist, the glass is half-full. To the pessimist, the glass is half-empty. To the
engineer, the glass is twice as big as it needs to be (Figure 2.2).
This joke is overtly about engineers’ worldview. Some would praise this mindset as creative thinking
outside the box (or the glass). Certainly, it challenges some things that are conventionally assumed.
At the same time, this joke reveals a mindset that will not evaluate a situation and refuses to make
a subjective judgment. Is this a sign of uncompromising objectivity, or just bad design? Drinking
water will continually require redesign of the glass.
It is too simple to say that these jokes tell us nothing about engineering because they are based on
stereotypes, for which we can find many counterexamples. The fact that these are the jokes that
FIGURE 2.2: Half-full, half-empty, or wrong-sized? Accessed January 18, 2008, from http://bp2
are told about engineering by engineers and that these are the stereotypes our community draws
on, and not other ones, demands our notice and our interpretation. How do they acculturate us as
members of the profession? There is a combination of self-deprecation and celebration of these
characteristics in the engineering jokes, an acknowledgement that many possess these mindsets and
a recognition that they may not always produce desirable outcomes. Within each joke lies not only
the presentation of a mindset but also some discontent with it and desire for change. Let us examine
each characteristic more carefully.
2.3.1 A Desire to Help . . . and the Persistence to Do It
There is something in the spirit of the engineer that wants to help. Some engineering deans call for
a public relations and/or recruitment campaign that presents engineering as a profession that serves
humanity [6,7]. They can cite examples, whether it is bringing clean water and sanitation to a community or developing new drugs, designing renewable energy solutions to address climate change,
or connecting people with wireless networks. Engineers are known for our work ethic; we are committed to getting the job done and will slog through hours of grunt work to make it happen. We
serve and serve well. The helping spirit and strong work ethic of engineers are important traits for
engaging in social justice work. There is a certain amount of overlap between the kinds of problems
engineers solve and social justice problems, although the engineering approach may not define the
problem to be solved in terms of social justice.
2.3.2 Centrality of Military and Corporate Organizations
This raises a question: who does engineering serve? We want to help, but who are we actually
helping? Alice Pawley [8], assistant professor of engineering education at Purdue, analyzes the
narratives of engineering faculty members with an eye to the establishment and reinforcement of
gendered boundaries in engineering. She uses three tools in analyzing the way engineers define and
delimit the boundaries of our profession: space, time, and actors.
Pawley’s construct of space helps us understand where engineers work. Drawing on National
Science Foundation data as well as her interviews with engineering faculty, Pawley establishes that
engineers work overwhelmingly in private profit-oriented organizations and on industrial, commercial, and military problems. Problems tend to be at a larger scale, with small-scale problems
relegated to areas outside of engineering. There are few opportunities for engineering employment
outside of government, industrial, and commercial settings. The centrality of managerialism in engineering may not be surprising, given that engineers are embedded in corporate organizations.
Managerialism takes a systems approach to organizational management, viewing human relationships within the organization through a lens of inputs and outputs and increasing organizational
efficiencies by minimizing inputs and maximizing outputs [9].
Turning to actors, Pawley asks who defines engineering problems, who benefits from the solutions to the problems, and who actually does the work of engineering. She further asks who is left
out of the picture; while her analysis specifically examines how these boundaries are drawn along
gender lines, the questions are equally relevant for examining other questions of social justice. Applying Pawley’s construct of time to her data reveals that engineers typically rely on tradition and
precedent in determining what they should do in the present and future. This makes the profession
resistant to change.
Pawley’s constructs cited above and the research she draws upon in her work provide some
insight into why engineering retains a narrow focus that excludes and precludes a great deal of social
justice work. Clearly, broadening the settings in which engineers work and the actors involved is
necessary to create opportunities for engineers to work on social justice issues.
2.3.3 Engineers Have a Narrow Technical Focus and Therefore Lack a Number
of Other Skills
Engineering’s embedding in military and corporate applications can explain the narrow sense of
career path many students experience. There are few alternatives to a military or corporate career in
engineering and to the development of a culture within engineering that does not question authority in preparation for performance in hierarchical military and corporate organizations.
Bruce Seely [10], a historian who studies engineering education, has documented the reform
efforts in engineering education over the last century; one of the things they have in common is the
recurring debate about how broad or narrowly focused an engineering degree should be and how
much (and what specific) content from the liberal arts is appropriate. In 2000, the Accreditation
Board on Engineering and Technology [11] changed the program outcomes criteria (standards)
to include a number of nontechnical capacities engineering students must develop including communication, teamwork, global and local context, and professional responsibility. The extent to which
these are addressed varies from program to program, as engineering curricula continue to be packed
heavily with required courses.
Generally, engineering students learn to think analytically only in certain ways appropriate to
technical analysis. For example, we learn to break problems down into small parts, solve the individual
parts, and then work back up to a solution. We typically do not come away with the ability to think
critically, to question what is given, or question the validity of our assumptions, because we are too busy
learning the essentials of problem solving. For this reason, we often cannot see the larger context of the
problem we are working. We lose sight of the big picture, especially if we are sleep-deprived from too
many hours in the lab and doing problem sets. We do not learn, with any depth, critical approaches
from the humanities and social sciences, and we do not learn many communication skills beyond writing technical reports and giving PowerPoint presentations. Thus, it is no wonder that some engineers
may come across as apolitical or clued out about contemporary issues outside of technology.
2.3.4 Positivism and the Myth of Objectivity
A positivist mindset often relates to two other perspectives that are commonly held in engineering: reductionism and technological determinism. Reductionism is the notion that phenomena (or
problems) can be broken down into smaller components for analysis and that analysis of the components can fully explain the system as a whole. A reductionist perspective is evident in the engineering problem solving and engineering design processes. Technological determinism holds that
technology develops on its own in a self-propelling fashion (i.e., without regard to social forces)
and that its innovations, in turn, impact society and drive political, cultural, and economic developments. This perspective is found in engineering when concern is placed on the impacts of
technology on society without consideration for how society also constructs technology. Positivism
and technological determinism lead many engineers to believe that their work is objective and that
science itself is objective.
As Foucault [12] points out, however, science is subject to the same vicissitudes of power that
other forms of truth face from institutions in society. It is easy to recognize power at work in what
questions are considered fundable, what research is pursued and later published, and how entire
fields of inquiry are established and supported or left unfunded and floundering. For example, in the
Bush Administration’s Climate Change Science Program begun in 2002, 13 federal agencies’ funding directed toward climate research has been coordinated to answer questions determined to be of
high priority. Unfortunately, many of the most critical questions around the human and economic
dimensions of global change have been given short shrift, while the anthropogenic causes of climate
change (which were already well established by 2002) are now extremely well studied [13]. It should
also be noted that in the Bush administration, even more extreme measures were taken to control
information related to climate change. Science journalist Seth Shulman [14] documents several
cases of government suppression of scientific studies that differed from the administration’s position and other efforts to undermine the work of government scientists. Cases include censorship of
government reports on climate change.
When science is seen as objective, technology itself is seen as neutral (and often ahistorical),
disregarding the social forces that demand certain forms of technology or pose certain questions.
The consequences of technology are attributed entirely to the way the technology is ultimately used
and not seen as part of the engineer’s responsibility. Thus, the values that are embedded in technology are often those of the engineers’ employers. Each engineered object brings with it a set of values
and assumptions, which ought no longer to be taken for granted. I will examine these issues further
in Chapter 3.
Waller [15] points out the predominance of positivism in engineering research, which carries
over into engineering education research, to its detriment. Harding [16: 125] questions the use of
positivist frameworks in engineering (and science) research, noting that “the ideal of one true science obscures the fact that any system of knowledge will generate systematic patterns of ignorance
as well as of knowledge.” Harding further notes how the myth of expertise can lead to authoritarian
power structures. Science and technology studies scholar Langdon Winner [17] makes a similar
point in noting how engineered systems, such as nuclear power plants, require centralized power
structures in order to be created and maintained.
2.3.5 Uncritical Acceptance of Authority
A positivist mindset that sticks with the scientific method as the only way of knowing what we
know, combined with a lack of exposure to other ways of knowing, or contexts in which those other
ways of knowing are valued, can lead to a lack of questioning of certain types of information. When
we do not learn to question the information given to us, we are unlikely to question authority.
When the organizations who hire us operate in hierarchies and we are rewarded by following orders
within those organizations, we are unlikely to question authority. Sociologist Diane Vaughan’s [18]
account of the events in National Aeronautics and Space Administration (NASA) leading up to the
Challenger accident document the ways in which power can construct knowledge in organizations,
as outside pressures related to NASA’s funding and productivity became internalized and began to
affect thinking and behavior inside the organization. She documents the ways in which engineers
conformed to organizational norms when raising concerns, following chains of command and deviating only at the behest of an authority. Vaughan’s work suggests that the organizations in which
engineers work may play a large role in setting these norms for engineers, as other employees may
behave similarly regardless of their training or profession.
Sociologists Diego Gambeta and Steffen Hertog [19] present some unsettling data about the
overrepresentation of engineers among radical Islamist groups (44% of those with college degrees
where the major subject was known were engineers). Notably, engineers were not present among
non-Islamic leftist groups, but were well represented among non-Islamist right-wing groups and
overrepresented among U.S. white supremacists. In seeking to explain this overrepresentation, the
authors found no evidence of engineers being selected by the radical groups because of their technical expertise. They rather offer two explanations: that engineers experienced particular social difficulties in Islamic society and that engineers, among others, are more likely to possess a certain
mindset that increases their propensity to right-wing radicalism and violence. To support their
argument, Gambeta and Hertog reference documents from radical Islamist groups and Western
intelligence, noting recruiters look for a combination of intelligence and a willing acceptance of
authority. Engineers were, in fact, recruited by some groups (and self-selected into others) more for
their mindset than their technical ability.
This mindset exhibits three traits: monism (a belief in one right answer and an intolerance of
uncertainty), simplism (locating a single cause for complex phenomena, a belief that rational behavior leads to simple solutions to social problems), and preservatism (a desire to restore a lost mythical order to society). Monism and simplism relate fairly clearly to positivism and reductionism as
discussed above. Gambeta and Hertog cite additional evidence for the presence of this mindset in
surveys of engineers around the world and ethnographic work with radical Islamist engineers. This
mindset is distinctly right-wing in a political sense. It also prevents the acquisition of some critical
analytical tools used in the social sciences and humanities to understand our world.
Engineers and the engineering profession have some characteristics that prepare us well to work on
social justice issues: the strong desire to be helpful and the persistence of a strong work ethic. Yet
some structural problems with the profession—its military and corporate focus and the narrowness
of engineering education, which excludes a number of important skills—can present obstacles when
we engage in social justice work. In addition, there is an engineering outlook that privileges scientific
knowledge over other kinds of knowledge, prefers certainty to uncertainty, and seeks single,
simplistic explanations for complex social phenomena, which creates a political tendency that eschews social justice and presents real roadblocks in acquiring skills outside of engineering that are
needed for social justice work. In the next chapter, we begin to step outside the common mindsets in
engineering by considering some critiques of engineering from a social justice perspective.
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gambetta/Engineers%20of %20Jihad.pdf.
• • • •
September 27, 2019
Twitter’s Societal Impact
When Twitter was launched in early 2006, it was used as a microblogging social network
where users can post short “tweets” in 140 characters or less. It was an innocent social network
where its users shared daily updates, coined by the phrase, “A global community of friends and
strangers answering one simple question: What are you doing?”. As it matured, the use of Twitter
has evolved it into a news outlet, spread misinformation and propaganda, censored prominent
users, and jumpstarted social movements that has promoted and obstructed diversity, equality, and
structural inequalities around the world.
As Twitter’s popularity grew, it evolved from posts of daily updates to major news stories.
The use of trending topics bring attention to popular stories happening around the world. Over
85% of trending topics in 2010 resembled headline news likely to be seen on major news outlets
like CNN (Kwak, Lee, Park, & Moon, 2010). This usage has created a platform for diverse
ideologies to be broadcasted online. People from a variety of communities have a global platform
to voice their opinion on several issues they face. This has been especially popular with politicians.
Congresspeople such as Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and Senator Kamala Harris
continually engage on Twitter with private citizens and other elected officials to voice their
opinions. Even President Donald Trump uses Twitter to push his political agenda. With such
diverse and important information being broadcasted on Twitter, it is important to consider the
credibility of the source of the tweet.
The internet is unfortunately home to propaganda and misinformation and Twitter is no
different. Terrorist organizations such as the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) use Twitter
to communicate and promote their radical ideas (Chatfield, Reddick, & Brajawidagda, 2015). This
spread of hate and terror poses major threats to equality and impose structural inequalities to those
living in the area. Civilians living in ISIL have all aspects of their lives dominated and controlled
through intimidation and indoctrination according to a United Nations report (2014).
Misinformation can be just as easily spread throughout Twitter. After the 2013 Boston Marathon
Bombings, an NBC News account announced that an eight-year-old spectator was killed in the
bombings. Later, another account tweeted that an eight-year-old runner was killed. This led to a
total 93,353 misinformed tweets and a 44:1 ratio of misinformed to corrected tweets after the event
(Starbird, Maddock, Orand, Achterman, & Mason, 2014). Misinformation and propaganda can
reinforce biases and structural inequalities people face and this event proves how easily it can
Some steps Twitter has taken to fight against propaganda, hate speech, and the spread of
misinformation are censorship and suspension of accounts. Outspoken far-right, political
commentator, Milo Yiannopoulos, was subject to an official Twitter ban in 2016 after continual
attacks on “Ghostbusters” actor Leslie Jones (Isaac, 2016). Additionally, self-proclaimed antifeminist, conservative writer Robert Stacy McCain was banned from Twitter in 2016 without a
formal explanation (Soave, 2016). If Twitter is a platform for people to share their world views
and opinions, why does it censor certain speech? Some conservatives, including President Trump,
argue that social media companies like Twitter have a bias against them. While this is unproven,
it action proves that Twitter has a defined social responsibility (Dreyer, Hauschild, & Schierbeck,
2006). Not all tweets and users are treated equally; and they have taken a stance against abuse and
hate being spread on their platform.
Nevertheless, Twitter has also been used as a hub for many inspiring social movements
promoting equality. Hashtags, like #BlackLivesMatter, have been used to generate discussion and
connect people on social issues. This specific issue deals with police treatment of Black
Americans. It was first created after George Zimmerman was acquitted in the shooting death of
Trayvon Martin (Anderson, Toor, Rainie, & Smith, 2018). Since then, it has been used whenever
other instances of police brutality arose around the country. It has led to the football player and
social activist, Collin Kaepernick to kneel during the National Anthem before football games;
behavior that essentially got him banned from the NFL. It has also led to the adoption of body
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create movements that see real world results.
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