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PART 1: Political Polarization

Answer the following question: According to Eric Foner’s textbook, Give Me Liberty!, why was

the era following the Mexican American War (1846-48) marked by growing political polarization

in the United States? To support your answer, summarize Foner’s explanation of the role of two

of the following four topics in increasing political polarization between 1848 and 1860: The

Fugitive Slave Act, the Kansas Nebraska Act, the Dred Scott v Stanford Supreme Court decision,

or the raid on Harper’s Ferry.

PART 2: Civil War

Why, in Abraham Lincoln’s 1861 inaugural address, does he argue that “the central idea of

secession, is the essence of anarchy”? Why, according to Abraham Lincoln’s July 4, 1861 speech

to Congress, does he describe southern states as being in rebellion, rather than having seceded

from the United States? Answer each of these two questions with at least one substantial

paragraph. Include and analyze a quote from the text as part of your answer.

PART 3: Emancipation

Write a short essay that answers this question: how did African Americans contribute to the

end of slavery in the United States, and to the Union winning the Civil War?

Drawing from assigned primary source reading for and lecture on August 18, explain how

creation of the Republic of Texas (1836-45) might help us understand something the origins of

the U.S. Civil War (1861-65). Minimum two paragraphs.

I
I
AN AMERICAN
HISTORY
ERIC FONER
1909-2005), an accomplished artist who lived
entieth century and into the twenty -first
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oarable num ber of trade , co llege, and professional titles published eac h yea r-
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Copyri ght© 20 17, 2014, 20 11, 2008, 2005 by Eric Foner
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13. A HOUSE
DIVIDED
, 1840- 1861 … 364
FRUITS OF MANIFEST
DESTINY … 365
* The Mexican Front ier: New Mexico and
* The Texas Revolt … 367 * The Election of 1844 … 368
* The Road to War … 370 * The War and Its Critics … 370 * Combat
in Mexico … 371 * The Texas Borderland … 373 * Race and Manifest
Destiny … 374 * Gold-Ru sh California … 374 * Opening Japan … 376
Continental Expansion … 365
California … 366
A DOSE OF ARSENIC
… 377
* Crisis and
The Wilmot Proviso … 377 *- The Free Soil Appea l … 378
*
*
Compromise … 378
The Great Debate … 379
The Fugitive Slave
Issue … 380
Douglas and Popular Sovereignty … 381
The Kansas Nebraska Act … 381
*
THE RISE OF THE REPUBLICAN
*
PARTY .. . 383
* The Rise and Fall of the Know-Nothings
… 383 * The Free Labor Ideo logy … 386 * “Bleeding Kansas ” and the
The North ern Economy … 383
Election of 1856 … 386
THE EMERGENCE
OF ‘LINCOLN
… 387
The Dred Scott Decision … 388 * Lincoln and Slavery … 389
Lincoln -Douglas Campaign … 389
* The
Voices of Freedom : From The Lincoln-Douglas Debates (1858) … 390
John Brown at Harpers Ferry … 392
… 393
* The Election of 1860 … 394
THE IMPENDING
* The Rise of Southern Nat iona lism
CRISIS … 396
* And
The Secession Movement … 396 * The Secession Crisis … 397
the War Came … 398
REVIEW … 400
14. A NEWBIRTHOFFREEDOM:
THECIVILWAR,
1861- 1865 … 401
THE FIRST MODERN WAR … 402
*
*
The Two Combatants … 403
The Technology of War … 404
The
Public and th e War … 405
Mobilizing Resources … 406
Military
Strategies … 406
The War Begins … 407
The War in the East , 1862
… 407
The War in the West … 408
*
*
*
*
*
THE COMING OF EMANCIPATION
*
… 409
*
Slavery and the War … 409
Steps toward Emancipation … 411
Lincoln ‘s Decision … 412
The Emancipation Proclamation … 413
Enlisting Black Troops … 415
The Black Soldier … 415
*
THE SECOND AMERICAN
*
REVOLUTION
Liberty, Union , and Nation … 416
*
… 416
* The War and American Religion … 417
Contents
I xv
1820
Moses Austin receives
Mexican land grant
1836
Texas independence from
Mexico
1845
Inauguration of James Polk
United States annexes
Texas
18461848
Mexican War
1846
Wilmot Proviso
1848
Treaty of Guadalupe
Hidalgo
Gold discovered in
California
Free Soil Party organized
1849
Inauguration of Zachary
Taylor
1850
Compromise of 1850
Fugitive Slave Act
1853
Inauguration of Franklin
Pierce
1854
Kansas-Nebraska Act
Know-Nothing Party
established
Ostend Manifesto
Repub lican Party organized
1856
“Bleeding Kansas ”
1857
Inauguration of James
Buchanan
Dred Scott decision
1858
Lincoln-Douglas debates
1859
John Brown ‘s raid on
Harpers Ferry
1860
South Carolina secedes
1861
Inauguration of Abraham
Lincoln
Fort Sumter fired on
Abraham Lincoln’s nickname, “The
Railsp/itter,” recalled his humble origins.
An unknown artist created this largerthan-life portrait. The White House is
visible in the distance. The painting
is said to have been displayed during
campaign rallies in 1860.
n 1855, Thomas Crawford, one of the era’s most prominent American sculptors, was asked to design a statue to adorn the Capitol’s
dome, still under construction in Washington , D.C. He proposed a
statue of Freedom, a female figure wearing a liberty cap. Secretary of War
Jefferson Davis of Mississippi, one of the country’s largest slaveho lders,
objected to Crawford’s plan. Ancient Romans, he noted , regarded the cap
as “the badge of the freed slave.” Its use, he feared, might suggest that
there was a connection between the slaves ‘ longing for freedom and the
libert y of freeborn Americans. Davis ordered the liberty cap replaced
with a less controversial military symbo l, a feathered helmet.
In 1863, the colossal Statue of Freedom was installed atop the
Capitol, where it can still be seen today. By the tim e it was put in place,
the country was immersed in the Civil War and Jefferson Davis had
becom e president of the Confederate States of America. The dispute
over the Statue of Freedom offers a small illu stration of how, by the
mid-1850s, nearly every public question was being swept up into the
gathering storm over slavery.
I
FOCUS
QUESTIONS
• What were the major
factors contributing to
U.S. territorial expansio n
in the 184 0s?
• Why did the expansion of
slavery become the most
divisive polit ical issue in
tbe 184 0s and 1850s?
• What combinat ion of
issues and events fue led
tbe creation of tbe R epub-
FRUITSOf MANIFESTDESTINY
,,ontinental
lican Pat·ty in tbe 1850s?
Expansion
• What enab led Linco 111to
In the 1840 s, slaver y moved to the center stage of American politics.
It did so not in the moral lan gua ge or with the imm ediati st program of
emerge f rom the div isive
par ty po litics of tbe
1850s?
• What were the fin al step s
0 11 the road to secession?
The original and final designs for
Thomas Crawford’s Statue of
Freedom for the dome of the Capitol
building . Secretary of War Jefferson
Davis of Mississippi insisted that
the liberty cap in the first design , a
symbol of the emancipated slave in
ancient Rome, be replaced .
FRUIT
S O F MA N IF E S T D E S T IN Y
1365
abolitionism, but as a result of the nation ‘s territori al expan sion. Bet,,
1840 and 1860, nearl y 300 ,000 men, women, and childr en br aved
ease, star vation, the natur al barri er of the Rocky Mount ains, and ~
sional Indian atta cks to travel over land to Oregon and California .
Durin g most of the 1840 s, the Unit ed States and Great Britain joir
admini stered Oregon, and Utah was part of Mexico. Thi s did not
Americans from settlin g in eith er region. Na tional bound aries mean t li
to those who moved west. Th e 1840 s witn essed an int ensification of the
belief that God int end ed the American nation to reach all the wa y to
Pacific Ocean . As noted in Chapter 9, the term that became a shorth and
this expan sionist spirit was “manifest destiny.”
“Manife st destiny ”
The Mexican Frontier:
and California
Settlement of Oregon did not directly raise the issue of slavery. But
nation’s acqui sition of part of Mexico did. Wh en Mexico achieved
ind epend ence from Spain in 1821, it was nearly as large as the Un
States, and its popul ation of 6.5 million was about two-third s that o
north ern neighbor. However, Mexico’s north ern provinces- Califor.
New Mexico, and Texas- were isolated and sparse ly settled outpo sts
round ed by Indi an countr y. Californi a’s non -Indi an popul ation in 1
some 3,200 missionaries, soldiers, and settlers, was vas tly outnurn beby about 20 ,000 Indian s living and workin g on land owned by religi
Mex ican Californi a
A scene on a California ranc h in
1849, with Californios (on horsebac k)
and Native Americans at work.
366 1 Ch a pt e r 13
New Mexico
* A Hou se Di v id ed
Wbat were tbe major factors contributing
to U.S. territorial
expansion in tbe 1840s?
UNORGAN
IZED
TERRI
TORY

SanDiego
MEXICO
Pacific
Ocean
Battle
MormonTrek
OregonTrail
Boundariesdisputedwith United States
Mexicoafter independencefrom
Spain,1821
mission s and by 150,000 memb ers of un subdu ed tribes in the int erior. By
1840, California was already link ed commerc ially with the Unit ed States,
and New England ships were trading with the region. In 1846, Alfred
Robinson, who had moved from Boston, pub lished Life in California. “In this
age of ann exation,” he wondered, “why not extend the ‘area of freedom’ by
the ann exation of California?”
Westward migration in the early and
mid-1840s took American settlers
across Indian country into the Oregon
Territory, ownership of which was
disputed with Great Britain. The
Mormons migrated west to Salt Lake
City, then part of Mexico .
The Texas Revolt
The first part of Mexico to be settled by significant numb ers of Americans
was Texas, whose non-Indian population of Span ish origin (called Tejanos)
number ed only about 2,000 when Mexico became ind epend ent. In order
to develop the region, the Spanish governm ent had accepted an offer by
FR U I T S O F MA NI FE S T D E S T IN Y
1367
Moses a11d Stepbe11Austin
Reasons for tbe Texas revolt
Battle of Sa11Jacinto
Moses Au stin , a Conn ecticut-b orn farm er, to colonize it with Ameri ca
In 1820 , Austin received a large land gra nt. He died soon afterw ard , a
his son Steph en continu ed the plan, now in ind epend en t Mexico, resell
land in small er plot s to American settlers at twelve cent s per acre.
Alarm ed that its grip on th e ar ea was weak enin g, the Mexit
governm ent in 1830 annull ed existing land contr acts and barr ed fut
emigration from the Unit ed States. Led by Steph en Au stin, American tiers demand ed greater aut onomy within Mexico. Part of the area’s t”
Tejano elite join ed them. Mostly ranchers and large farm ers, they had ,
corned the economic boom that accompanied the settlers and had forn
economic allianc es with American traders. The issue of slaver y furt
exacerbated matters. Mexico had abolished slavery, but local au th
ties allowed American settlers to bring slaves with them. Mexico’s ru
General Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna , sent an arm y in 1835 to imp,
centr al authorit y.
The appearance of Sant a Ann a’s army spa rk ed the chaotic Te
revolt. The rebels formed a provisional governm ent that soon called
Texan ind ependence. On March 6, 1836, Santa Ann a’s arm y storm ed
Alamo, a mission compound in San Antoni o, killin g its 187 Am erican
Tejano defenders. “Rememb er the Alam o” became the Texan s’ rail) ·
cry. In April, forces und er Sam Houston, a form er govern or of Tenne
rout ed Santa Ann a’s arm y at the Battle of San Jacint o an d forced him
recognize Texas ind epend ence. In 1837, the Texas Congress called
union with the Unit ed States. But fearin g the political disput es cert ai
result from an attempt to add another slave state to the Union, Presid
Martin Van Buren shelved the question. Settlers from the Unit ed Sta
nonetheless pour ed int o the region, many of them slaveow ners taki n””
fertil e cotton land. By 1845, the popul atipn of Texas had reached nea
150,000 .
The Election
The Tyler admi1listratio11
a11dTexas
Slavery a11
d expansion
368 1 Chapter
13
of 1844
Texas ann exation remain ed on the political back burn er until Pr esid
John Tyler revived it in the hop e of rescuin g his failed admini strat
and securin g south ern sup por t for renomin ation in 1844. In April 1
a letter by John C. Calhoun , whom Tyler had appoint ed secretary of st
was leaked to the pr ess. It link ed the idea of absorbin g Texas dir ectly to
goal of strengthenin g slavery in the Unit ed States. Some south ern lead< indeed, hoped that Texas could be divided into several states, thus furt enh ancing the South 's power in Congress. Late that month , Henr y C and form er president Van Buren, the prospective Whi g and Democra * A House Divid e d The plaza in San Antonio not long after the United States annexed Texas in 1845. candidat es for pr esident and two of the party sys tem's most venerab le leaders, met at Clay's Kentucky plantation. They agreed to issue letter s rejecting imm ediat e annexation on the grounds that it might provoke war with Mexico. Clay went on to receive the Whig nomination, but for Van Buren the letters proved to be a disaster. At the Democratic convention, south ern ers bent on annexation deserted Van Buren's cause, and he failed to receive the two-thirds majority necessa ry for nomination . The delegates then turned to the little-known James K. Polk, a former governor of Tenn essee whose main assets were hi s support for ann exation and his close association with Andrew Jack son, still the party's most popular figure. To soothe injur ed feelings among northern Democra ts over the rejection of Van Buren, the party platform called for not only the "reann exation" of Texas (implying that Texas had been part of the Louisiana Pur cha se and therefore had once belonged to the United States) but also the "reoccup ation" of all of Oregon . "Fifty-four forty or fight"- American control of Oregon all the way to its north ern bound ary at north latitud e 54°4O'-became a popular campaign slogan. Polk was the first "dark horse" candidate for president-that is, one whose nomin ation was completely unexpected. In the fall, he defeated Clay in an extr emely close election. Polk's mar gin in the popular vote was less than 2 percent. Had not James G. Birney , running again as the Liberty Part y candidat e, received 16,000 votes in New York, mostly from antislavery Whi gs, Clay would ha ve been elected. In March 1845, only days before Polk 's inaugurat ion, Congress declared Texas part of the United States. Emergenceof Polk Polk's electio11 F RUIT S OF MA N IF E ST DE STI NY 1369 The Road to War Jam es K. Polk may ha ve been virtu ally unknown, but he assum ed presidency with a clearl y defined set of goals: to reduc e the tariff, reestlish the indep end ent Treasur y sys tem, settle the disput e over own er of Oregon , and bring Californi a into the Union. Congr ess soon enacted· first two goals, and the third was accompli shed in an agreement with Gr Britain dividing Oregon at the forty-ninth parall el. Acquiring California pro ved more difficult. Polk dispatch ed emissary to Mexico offering to purch ase the region, but the Mexican 1: ernm ent refus ed to negotiat e. By th e sprin g of 1846, Polk wa s pla nn for military action . In April, American soldiers und er Zachary Ta. moved into the region between the Nueces River and the Rio Grand e, 1 claimed by both countri es on the disput ed bord er between Texas Mexico. Thi s action mad e conflict with Mexican forces inevitable . W fightin g brok e out. Polk claim ed that the Mexicans had "shed blood u Ameri can soil" and called for a declarati on of wa r . Polk 's goals A cquiring California The War and Its Critics "On Civil Disobedience" Lin coln as war criti c 370 I Chapter 13 The Mexican War wa s the first Am erican conflict to be fought pri ma on foreign soil and the first in which Am erican troops occupied a for capital. In spir ed by the expan sionist fervor of manif est destiny, a maj, of American s support ed the war. But a significant minorit y in the · dissent ed, fearin g that far from expandin g the "great empir e of libe the admini stration's real aim was to acquir e new land for the ex sion of slavery. Henr y David Thor eau was jailed in Massachu setl 1846 for refusing to pay taxes as a prot est against the war. Defendi ng action, Thoreau wr ote an imp ortant essay, "On Civil Disobedience,",, inspired such later advocates of non violent resistan ce to unjust la\ Martin Luth er King Jr . Among the wa r's criti cs was Abr aham Lincoln, who had been ele to Congress in 1846 from Illinois. Like man y Whi gs, Lincoln questi, wh ether the Mexicans had actuall y inflicted casualti es on American as Polk claim ed. But Lincoln was also disturb ed by Polk's claiming right to initi ate an invas ion of Mexico. Lincoln's stance proved unp op in Illin ois. He had already agreed to serve only one term in Congres . when Democrats cap tur ed his seat in 1848, many blamed the resul Lincoln's criticism of the war. Nonetheless, the concern s he raised reg ing the pr esident' s power to "mak e wa r at pleasur e" would continu echo in the twenti eth and twen ty-first centuri es. * A H ouse Divided ombat in Mexico lore than 60,000 volunteers enlisted and did most f the fighting. Combat took place on three fronts. In une 1846, a band of American insu rr ectionists prolaimed Californi a freed from Mexican control and amed Captain John C. Fremo n t, head of a small scitific expediti on in the West, its rul er . Their aim wa s aliforni a's incorp orat ion into the United States, but for e moment they adopted a flag dep icting a large bear the symbo l of the area 's ind epend ence. A month later, e U.S. Navy sailed into Mon terey and San Franc isco arbors, raised the American flag, and put an end to e "bear flag repub lic." At almost the same time, 1,600 :merican troops und er Genera l Stephen W. Kearney cupied Sante Fe without resistanc e an d then set out r southern Californ ia, where they helped to put down Mexican upri sing against American rul e. The bulk of the fightin g occurred in centra l Mexico. In February 1847, Taylor defeated Santa Anna's army at the Battle of Buena Vista. When the Iexican governm ent still refused to negotiat e, Polk ordered Amer ican rces und er W infield Scott to march inland from the port of Veracruz )ward Mexico City. Scott's forces rout ed Mexican defender s and in ptember occupi ed the country's capital. In February 1848, the two govrnrnent s agreed to the Treaty of Guada lupe Hidal go, which confirmed the nnexation of Texas and ceded California and present-day New Mexico, _.rizona, Nevada, and Uta h to the United Stat es. The Mexican War is only a footnote in most Americans' histor ical memory. Unlike for other wars, few public monum ent s celebrate the nflict. Mexicans , however, regard the war (or "the dismemberm ent, " a it is called in that coun try) as a central event of their nati onal history and a sour ce of continu ed resentm ent over a centur y and a half after it ,·as fought. With the end of the Mexican War , the Unit ed States absorb ed half a million squar e miles of Mexico's territory, one-third of that nation' s total area. A region that for centuri es had been unit ed was sudden ly split in vo, dividin g families and severing trad e routes. An estimat ed 75,000 o 100,000 Spanish-sp eaking Mexicans and more than 150,000 Indi ans ·nhabited the land ann exed from Mexico, known as the Mexican Cession. The Treaty of Guadalu pe Hidalgo guaranteed to "male citizens" of the area "the free enjoyment of their liberty and property" and "all the right s" of FRUITS OF War News from Mexico, an 1848 painting by Richard C. Woodville, shows how Americans received war news through the popular press. Tbe defeat of Mexico and its consequences Continuedresentment Tbe Mexican Cession MANIFEST DESTINY 1 371 CEDEDBY MEXICO f Bent's Fort ~ SantaFel Albuquerque'r 4c "Las Vegas 7-'.¥., :;.o-,-Sq.f_f. INDIANTERR ITOR Y DISPUTED BY TEXASANDMEXICO Mexicanvictory Americanforces Americannavalblockade Mexicanforces Treatyof GuadalupeHidalgo lands disputed by UnitedStates and Mexico lands ceded by Mexico The Mexican War was the first in which an American army invaded another country and occupied its capital. As a result of the war, the United States acquired a vast new area in the modern-day Southwest. 3721 Chapter 13 Americans - a provision designed to prot ect the property of larg e Mex landowners in California. Thus , in th first ha lf of the nin eteenth cen some resident s of the area went from being Spaniards to Mexicar: Americans. Although not newcomers, they had to adjust to a new ider as if they were immigrant s. As for Indians whose hom eland s and hu r grounds sudd enly became part of the United States, the treaty referr· them only as "savage trib es" whom the United States must prevent: launching incur sions into Mexico across the new bord er. * A House Divided he Texas Borderland fter achieving independenc e in 1836, Texas becam e a prime example of a estern bord erland. Anglos (whit e sett lers from the East) and Tejanoshad ,ugh t together to achiev e ind ependence, but soon relation s betwe en them >ured. Anglos in search of land and resources expelled some Mexicans,
eluding former allies, now suspected of loyalty to Mexico. Ju an Seguin,
Tejano, had played an active role in the revolt and served for a time as
ayor of San An tonio. In 1842, still mayor, he was driv en from the town
‘· vigilantes . He had become, he lamented, “a foreign er in my native land .”
This was a problem inh erent to borderland s-as boundari es shifted,
ngtime resident s sudd enly became aliens . Increasingl y, Tejanos were
,nfined to unskill ed agr icultur al or urban labor. Some Tejanosused their
:nbiguous identiti es to their own advantage. Wom en seeking divorc es
Anglos and Tejanos
By 1853, with the Gadsden Purchase,
the present boundaries of the United
States in North America , with the
exception of Alaska, had been
created.
I
WY
1868 (1890)
r
5
1861R889)
NE
1859 (1867)
t
I-
CJ Acquiredfrom Great Britain1842
CJ Original13 states 1783
CJ Great BritainCession1783
CJ TexasAnnexation1845
CJ LouisianaPurchase1803
CJ OregonCountry1846
CJ Acquiredfrom Great Britain1818 CJ MexicanCession1848
CJ FloridaPurchase1819
CJ GadsdenPurchase1853
1912 Date of organization as territory (1912) Date of statehood
FRUITS
OF
MANIFEST
DESTINY
I 373
took advantage of new American laws, more liberal than those in Mexi
During the Civil War, some Tejanomen avoided the Confederate draft
claiming to be citizens of Mexico.
Meanwhile, in sou thern Texas, the disputed terr itory between
Nu eces River and the Rio Grande, claimed by both Texas and Mexico l
actuall y controlled by Comanche Indi ans, became a site of continu al c•
flict. Authority in the area remained contested until Texas became par t
the much more powerful United States and even then, Comanc he pm
wou ld not be broken until the 186Os and 187Os.
Race and Manifest
A portrait from 1838 of Juan Seguin.
Born in San Antonio , Seguin played
an active role in the Texas Revolution,
but later was forced by vigilantes to
flee the city (where he was serving as
mayor) for refuge in Mexico.
The Texas Constitution
During the 184Os, territorial expans ion came to be seen as proof of t
innate super iority of the “Anglo-Saxon race” (a mythical cons truct defiPlargely by its opposites: blacks, Indi ans, Hispanics, and Catholics). “Rat
declared John L. O’Sullivan’s DemocraticReview, was the “key” to ·
“history of nations.” Newspapers, magazines, and scholar ly works por
larized the link between American freedom and the supposed ly inn
liberty- loving qualities of Anglo-Saxon Protestants. Ind eed, calls by so
expa nsionists for the United States to annex all of Mexico failed in
because of fear that the nation could not assimilate its large non-wt:
Catholic population, suppo sedly unfit for citizens hip in a republic.
Local circumstances affected racial definitions in the forme r Mexic
territories. Although Mexico had abolished slavery and considered
persons equa l before the law, the Texas Const ituti on adopted after in
pendence protected slavery and denied civil rights to Indi ans and per so
of African origin. Texas defined “Span ish” Mexicans, however, especia
those who occupi ed important social positions, as white. The resident
New Mexico of both Mexican and Indi an origin, on the other hand, w
long deemed “too Mexican” for democratic self-government. With wr
migration lagging, Congress did not allow New Mexico to become a st
until 1912.
Gold-Rush
California
California had a non- Indi an population of fewer than 15,000 when t
Mexican War ended. For most of the 184Os, five times as many America
emigrated to Oregon as to Californi a. But this changed dramatically af•
Januar y 1848, when gold was discovered in the foothills of the Sie
Nevada Mountains at a sawm ill owned by the Swiss immigrant Johann
Sutter’s mill
374 I Chapter
Destiny
13
* A House Divided
tter. By ship and land, newco mers poured int o Californ ia, in what came
be called the gold rush. The non-Indian popu lation rose to 200,000 by
-2 and mor e than 360 ,000 eight years later.
California’s gold-ru sh population was incr edibly diver se. Exp erienced
·ncrs flooded in from Mexico and South America. Tens of thousand s
American s who had never seen a mine arrived from th e East , and
m overseas came Iri sh , German s, Italian s, and Australian s. Nearly
_- 0 00 Chinese land ed between 1849 and 1852. Unlike the famiiies who
·tied farming fronti ers, most of the gold -ru sh migr ants were young
11. Women played man y rol es in western minin g communiti es , running
taurant s and boardinghouses and working as laun dresses, cooks, and
stitutes. But as late as 1860 , Californi a’s male population outnumb ered
‘llales by n early three to one.
As early surfac e min es quickl y became exhausted , they gave way
underground mining that requir ed a large inv estment of cap ital. This
Jnomic developm ent wor sened conflicts among Californ ia’s man y racial
d ethnic groups engaged in fierce comp etition for gold . Whit e min ers
~an ized extra legal gro up s that expelled “foreign min ers” – Mexicans,
ileans, Chines e, Fr ench , and American In dia ns- from areas with gold.
Diversity of the go/d-rnsb
population
0
Racial conflicts
Painted in 1850 by William S. Jewett ,
The Promised Land-The
Grayson
Family portrays a family that traveled
overland from Missouri to California in
1846, two years before the gold rush.
The husband, Andrew J. Grayson,
commissioned the painting and gave
the artist detailed instructions about
the setting and the family’s clothing
(which is typical of domestic scenes
of the period but seems inappropriate
for the difficult overland journey). The
painting suggests that the West was
empty before the arrival of settlers
from the East.
F R U I T S O F M A NI F E S T D E S T IN Y
1375
Effect on California ‘s Indians
Transportation of Cargo by
Westerners at the Port of Yokohama,
1861, by the Japanese artist Utagawa
Sadahide, depicts ships in port,
including an American one on the left,
eight years after Commodore Perry’s
first voyage to Japan.
376
I Chapter
13
The state legislature imp osed a tax of twenty dollars per month on for _
miners, dri ving man y of them from the state.
For California ‘s Indian s, the gold ru sh and absorption into the Um
States proved to be disa strous. Gold seekers overran Indi an comm1..
ties. Miners, rancher s, and vigilantes murd ered thou sand s of Indi
Determined to reduce the native population, state officials paid milli
in bounti es to private militia s that laun ched attacks on the state’s Ind ia
Althoug h California was a free state, thou sand s of Indian childr
declared orphans or vagrants by local courts, were bought and sold
slaves. By 1860, Californ ia’s Indian population, nearl y 150 ,000 wh en·
Mexican War end ed, had been reduc ed to arou nd 30 ,000 .
Opening
Japan
The Mexican War ended wit h the United Stat es in possess ion of the rr
nificent harbor s of San Diego and San Franci sco, long seen as jumpi ngpoint s for trad e with the Far East. Between 1848 and 1860 American tr
with China trip led. In 1850, New York bu sinessman Asa Whitney subr
ted a plan to Congress for a tran scontin ental railr
that wou ld speed eastern goods to Asian mark et
eliminatin g the long and expensive sea rou te aro
South Amer ica. One congressman wrote in respon
Whitn ey’s pr oposal, “In the Bay of San Francisc o ,
converge the comm erce of Asia and the model repu bl
In the 1850s, the United States took the lead in o
ing Jap an, a countr y that had closed itself to near!)
foreign contact for mor e than two centuri es. In 1 and 1854, American war ships under the comm and
Commodore Matthew Perry (the you nger broth er
Oliver Perry, a hero of the War ofl812) sailed into Tot
Harbor. Perr y, who had been sent by Pr esident Mill Fillmore to negotiate a trad e treaty, demanded tha t ·
Jap anese deal with him . Alarmed by European intr
sions int o China and impr essed by Perr y’s armam er
as well as a mu sical pageant he pres ented that includ
a blackfac e min strel show, Japanese lead ers agreed
do so. In 1854, they opened two por ts to American sh1
pin g. As a resu lt, the United States acquired refueli·
places on the route to China. And Japan soon laun ch
a pr ocess of modernization that transformed it into t
region’s major militar y power .
* A House Divided
he
A DOSE OF ARSENIC
ictory over Mexico added more than 1 million square miles to the United
‘t ates- an area lar ger than the Louisiana Purchase . But the acquisition
,f this vast territor y rais ed the fatal issue that wou ld disrupt the political
ystem and plun ge the nation into civil war – whether slavery should be
llowed to expand into the West. Events soon confirmed Ralph _Waldo
Emerson’ s prediction that if the Unit ed States gobbled up part of M exico,
it will be as the man who swallows arsenic . … Mexico will poison us.”
Already, the bond s of union were fraying . In 1844 and 1845, the
. lethoclists and Baptists , the two largest evangelical churc hes, divid ed
nto north ern and sou thern br ancl)es. But it was the entr ance of the slavery
-sue into the hear t of American politics as the result of the Mexican War
hat eventua lly dissolved perhap s the strong est force for nationa l un ity-
he Wilmot
Slavery in the West
Proviso
fore 1846, the statu s of slavery in all parts of the United States had
n settled, either by state law or by the Missouri Compromise, wh ich
etermin ed slavery’s statu s in the Louisiana Purchase. The acqui sition
new land reopened the question of slavery’s expans ion. The divi sive
otential of this issue becam e clear in 1846, when Congressman David
~-ilmot of Penn sylva nia proposed a resoluti on prohibiting slavery from
1 territor y acquired from Mexico. Party lines crumbl ed as every norther, Democrat and W hig alike, supp ort ed what came to be known as the
‘ilmot Proviso, while nearly all south ern ers opposed it. The meas ure
ssed the Hou se, where the more populous Nor th possessed a majority,
ut failed in the Senate, with its even balance of free and slave stat es.
In 1848, opponents of slavery’s expa nsion orga nized the Free Soil
Party and nominat ed Martin Van Bur en for president and Charl es Francis
dams, the son of John Quinc y Adams, as his runnin g mate. Democrat s
minat ed Lewis Cass of Michigan, who proposed that the decision on
hether to allow slavery should be left to settlers in the new territories (an
ea later given the nam e “popular sovereig nty”). Van Buren was motited in part by revenge against the South for jettisoning him in 1844. But
·- campaign struck a chord among northerners opposed to the expa nsion
Javery, and he polled some 300,000 votes, 14 percent of the northern
al. Victory in 1848 went to the Whig candidate, Zachary Taylor, a hero
the Mexican War and a Louisiana suga r planter . But the fact that a
Party vs. section
Zncbary Taylor
A D O S E O F AR S E NI C
1377
former president and the son of another aba nd oned their part ies to r
on a Free Soil platform showed that antis lavery sentiment had spread r
beyond abolitionist ranks .
The Free Soil Appeal
Economic betterment
The Free Soil platform o/1848
The view of sot1tber11
leaders
The Free Soil position had a popular appea l in the North that far excee,·
the abolitionists’ demand for imm ediate emancipation and equa l rig
for blacks. Many nort herners had long resented what they consid
south ern domination of the federa l governm ent. The idea of pr eventing·
creation of new slave states appealed to those who favor ed policies, suet
the protective tar iff and government aid to interna l improvem ents , that·
majority of south ern political leaders opposed.
For thousan ds of northerners, moreover, the ability to move to
new western territori es held out the promise of economic betterm
“Freedo m of the soil,” declared George Henry Evans, the editor of a r
labor newspaper, offered the only alternative to permanent econo
depend ence for American workers .
Such views merged easily with opposition to the expa nsion of sla
If slave plantations were to occupy the fertile land s of the West, north
migration would be effectively blocked. The term “free soil” had a dou
meaning. The Free Soil platform of 1848 called both for barring sla
from western territorie s and for the federal government to provid e
hom esteads to settlers in the new territ ories. Un like abolitionism, the·
soil” idea also appea led to the racism so widespread in north ern soci
Wilmot hims elf insist ed that his controvers ial proviso was motiva te
advance “the cause and rights of the free white man,” in part by prev en·
him from having to compete wit h “black labor.”
To white south ern ers, the idea of barri ng slavery from terri
acquir ed from Mexico seemed a violation of their equa l rights as mem
of the Un ion. Ju st as north erners believed westward expa nsion essen
to their economic well-being, south ern leaders became convinced ·
slavery mu st expa nd or die . Moreover, the adm ission of new free st
would overturn the delicate politica l balance between the section
make the South a perman ent minority. Sout hern interests would n, ·
secure in a Union dominated by non-slav eholding states.
Crisis and Compromise
“Spri11gtimeof 11atio11s”
378 1 Chapter
13
In world history, the year 1848 is remembered as the “springtim
nations, ” a time of democratic uprisings against the monarchies of Eur
* A House Divided
:id demands by ethnic minorities for nationa l independence. American
!”inciples of liberty and self-government appeared to be triumphing in
e Old World. The Chartist movement in Great Britain organized massive
monstrations in support of democratic reforms. The French replac ed
eir monarchy with a repub lic. Hungarians proclaimed their indep ennce from Austrian ru le. Patriots in Italy and Germany, both divided into
amero us states, demanded national unification. But the revolutionar y
e receded . Chartism faded away, Emperor Napoleon III scion restored
e French monarchy, and revolts in Budapest, Rome, and other cities
ere crush ed. Wou ld their own experiment in self-government, some
illlerican s wondered, suffer the same fate as the failed revolutions of
_ rope?
With the slavery issu e a·ppearing mor e and mor e ominous, estabhed party leaders moved to resolve differences between the sections. In
-o, California asked to be admitted to the Union as a free state. Many
utherners opposed the measure, fearing that it would upset the sectiona l
lance in Congress. Senator Henry Clay offered a plan with four main
ovisions that came to be known as the Compromise of 1850 . California
uld enter the Union as a free state. The slave trade , but not slavery itself,
uld be abolished in the nation ‘s capital. A string en t new law wou ld
w southerners to reclaim runaway slaves. And the status of slavery in
e remaining territories acquired from Mexico would be left to the decim of the local white inhabitants . The United States would also agree to
y off the massive debt Texas had accumulated whi le ind ependent.
e Great
Developmentsi11Europe
Attempts to resolvesectional
differences
Senator Daniel Webster of
Debate
Massachusetts in a daguerreotype
the Senate debate on the Compromise, the divergent sectional positions
eived eloquent expression. Powerful leaders spoke for and against
mpro mise. Daniel Webster of Massachusetts announced his willings to abandon the Wilmot Proviso and accept a new fugitive slave law if
js were the price of sectional peace.John C. Calhoun, again representing
uth Carolina, was too ill to speak. A colleague read his remarks rejecting
eve ry idea of compromise. The North must yield, Calhoun insisted,
– the Union could not surv ive. William H. Seward of New York also
posed compromise. To sout hern ers ‘ talk of their constitutional rights,
ward responded that a “higher law” than the Constitution condemned
3very – the law of morality. Here was the voice of abolitionism, now rep-ented in the U.S. Senate.
Presid ent Zachary Taylor, like Andrew Jackson a southerner but
trong nationalist , insisted that all Congress needed to do was admit
from 1850, the year his speech in
support of the Compromise of 1850
contributed to its passage.
A D O S E O F AR S E NI C
1379
Adoption oftbe Compromise
of18S0
California to the Union. But Taylor died suddenly of an intestinal in
tion on Jul y 9, 1850. His successor, Millard Fillmore of New York, th
his support to Clay’s propo sals. Fillmor e help ed to break the impa s
Congress and secure adoption of the Compromise of 1850.
The Fugitive
Controversy over runaway
slaves
Resisting capture
Growtboftbe U11de
1-ground
Railroad
380 I Chapter
13
Slave Issue
For one last time, political leaders had removed the dangerous sla,
question from congressiona l debate. The new Fugitive Slave Act, h
ever, mad e furth er controversy inevitabl e. The law allowed specia l fed
commissioners to determin e the fate of alleged fugitiv es without benefi
a jury trial or even testimon y by the accused indi vidual. It prohibited 1,
authoriti es from int erfering with the capture of fugitiv es and req ui
individual citizens to assist in such capture when called upon by fed
agents. Thus, south ern leaders, usuall y stron g defend ers of states’ ri”‘
and local autonomy, support ed a measur e that brought federa l agt
into communities throughout the Nor th, ar med with the power to o
ride local law enforcement and judicial procedures to secur e the return
run away slaves. The security of slavery was mor e important to them ti
states’ -rights consistency.
During the 1850s, federal tribuna ls hear d more than 300 ca
throug hout the free states and ordered 157 fugitives return ed to the So
many at the governm ent’ s expense. But the law furth er widened sectio
divisions and reinvigorated the Underground Railroad. In a serie.
dram atic confrontations, fugitives, aided by abolitioni st allies, violen
resisted recap tur e. A lar ge crowd in 1851rescued the escaped slave Je
from jail in Syracuse, New York, an d spirit ed him off to Canada. In t
same year, an owner who attemp ted to recapture a fugitiv e was killed
Chri stian a, Pennsylvania .
Less dramat ically, the men and women involved in the Undergr ou
Railroad redoub led their efforts to assist fugitives. Thanks to the c
solidation of the rai lroad network in the North , it was now possibl e
escaping slaves who reached the free states to be placed on trains tr
would take them to safety in Canada in a day or two. In 1855 and l&Sydney Howard Gay, an abolitionist editor in New York City and ah
Underground Railroad operative, recorded in a notebook the arriv al
over 200 fugitives-me n, women, and childr en-a majority of whom h
been sent by train from Phi ladelphia . Gay dispa tched them to up sta te
York and Canada.
* A House Divided
Overall , several thousand fugitiv es and
·eborn blacks, worried that they might be
ept up in the string ent provisions of the
gitive Slave Act. fled to safety in Canada. The
ht of so many refugees seeking liber ty in a
reign land challenged the familiar imag e of the
nited States as an asylum for freedom .
uglas and Popular
vereignty
least temporaril y, the Compromise of 1850
‘ med to restore sectiona l peace and part y
ity. In the 1852presidential election, Democrat
TH~ F’LGITll’f;SI,.If: LAW…..IIA,iLET I~ t’IIAll’S.
nklin Pierce won a sweeping victory over the
‘hig Winfield Scott on a platform that recognized the Compromis e as a An engraving from the National
Anti-Slavery Standard, October 17,
al settlement of the slaver y controversy.
In 1854, however, the old political order finally succumbed to the 1850, depicts James Hamlet, the first
person returned to slavery under the
-ruptive pres sures of sectiona lism. Early in that year, Illin ois senator
Fugitive Slave Act of 1850, in front
·phen A. Dougla s introdu ced a bill to provid e territorial governments
of City Hall in New York. Flags fly
Kansas and Nebraska, located within the Louisiana Purcha se. A stron g from the building , emblazoned with
popular American maxims violated
iever in western developm ent. he hop ed that a transcontinenta l railroad
ild be construct ed through Kansa s or Nebraska. Sout hern ers in by Hamlet’s rendition. By the time
this appeared in print, New Yorkers
ngress, however, seemed adamant again st allowing the organ ization of
had raised the money to purchase
w free territori es that might furth er ups et the sectional balance. Dougla s
Hamlet’s freedom and he was back
ped to satisfy them by applying the principle of popular sovereignty,
in the city .
ereby the statu s of slavery would be determined by the votes of local
tiers, not Congr ess . To Douglas, popular sovereignty embodi ed the
•a of local self-government and offered a middl e ground between the
remes of North and South.
e Kansas-Nebraska
Act
like the land s tak en from Mexico, Kansas and Nebraska lay in the
tion’s heartl and, directly in the path of westward migr ation. Slavery,
reover, was prohibited there und er the terms of the Missouri
mpromi se. which Douglas’s bill would repea l. In response, a group of
tislavery congressmen issued the Appeal of the IndependentDemocrats. It
igned Dougla s’s bill as a “gross violation of a sacre d pledge,” part and
A DOSE
Appeal of the Independent
Democrats
OF
ARSENIC
381
Indianterritory (unorganized)
Open to slaveryby p_opular
sovereign!
under the Compromiseof 1850
Open to slaveryby popular sovereignt
under the Kansas-Nebraska
Act, 1854
The Kansas-Nebraska Act opened
a vast area in the nation’s heartland
to the possible spread of slavery by
repealing the Missouri Compromise
and providing that sett lers would
determine the status of slavery in
these territories .
382 J Chapter
13
parcel of “an atrocious plot” to convert free territory into a “dreary r
of despotism, inhabit ed by masters and slav es.” It helped to con
millions of north erners that southern leaders aimed at nothing les
extending their peculiar institution throu ghout the West.
Thanks to Douglas ‘s energetic leadership, the Kansas-Neb
Act became law in 1854. But it shattered the Democratic Party’ s
and sparked a profound reorganization of American politics. Duri n_
next two years, the Whig Party, un able to develop a unified resr
to the political crisis, collapsed. From a region divided between th
parties, the South became solidly Democratic. Most northern W
augmented by thousands of disgruntled Democrats, joined a new or~
zation, the Republican Party, dedicated to preventing the further e
sion of slavery.
* A House Divided
E RISE OF THEREPUBLICANPARTY
Northern
Economy
disruptive impact of slavery on the traditional parti es was the imm e. cau se of polit ical transformation in the mid-1850 s. But the rise of the
ublican Party also reflected und erlying economic and social changes,
bly the completion of the mar ket revo lu tion and the beginni~·g of mas s
1igration from Europe.
The period from 1843 to 1857 wit nessed explo sive economic grow th,
•cially in the North. Th e cata lys t wa s the completion of the ra ilroad
·ork. From 5,00 0 mil es in 1848 , railro ad track mileage grew to
00 0 by 1860, w ith most of the construct ion occurring in Ohio, Illin ois,
other states of the Old Northwest. Four great trunk rai lroads now
·ed eastern cities with western farming and commercial cent ers. The
roads completed the reori entation of th e Northwest’s trade from the
h to the Ea st. As late as 1850, most western farmers still shipp ed th eir
uce down the Mis sissippi River. Ten yea rs la ter, however, railroads
ported nearly all th eir crops to the East, at a fraction of the pr evious
Eastern indu stri alists mark eted man u factur ed goods to the comcial farmer s of the W est, wh ile resident s of the region’s grow ing cities
·u rned the food westerners produc ed. The economic int egrati on of the
thwest and Northeast crea ted the groundwork for their po litical unifi on in the Republican Part y.
Althou gh most north ern ers still lived in small tow ns and rural areas,
major ity of the workforce no longer labored in agricu ltur e. Two great
as of indu strial production had arisen. One, along the Atlantic coast,
tched from Bos ton to Philadelphia and Baltimore . A secon d was cen.d on or near th e Great Lak es, in inland cities like Buffalo, Cleveland ,
·burgh, and Chicago . Driven by railroad expan sion, coal mining and
n manufacturin g were growing rap idly. Chicago, the Old Northwest’s
jor rai l center and the jumpin g-off plac e for sett lers head ing for the
•at Plain s, had become a compl ex manufacturin g cen ter. Although the
thern economy was also grow ing and the conti nuin g expans ion of cotproduct ion brought wealth to slaveho lders, the South did not shar e in
e broad economi c changes.
The ra i/road 11
etwork in
the Nortb
I ntegratio11of Nortbwest
a11dNortbeast
Industrial 111a11ufact11ri11g
in the Nortb
e Rise and Fall of the Know-Nothings
ivism – host ili ty to immigr ant s, espec ially Catholics- became a nati onal
itical movement with the sudden appearance in 1854 of the Amer ican,
T H E RI s E
o F T H E RE P u B LI c A N PAR TY
I 383
The rapid expansion of the railroad network in the 1850s linked the Northeast and Old Northwest in a web of commerce . The
rail network was considerably less developed , accounting for only 30 percent of the nation’s track mileage.
384 I Chapter
13
* A House Divided
Know-Not hin g, Part y (so called because
began as a secre t organization whose
mbers, when aske d about its existence,
ere suppo sed to respond, “I know nothu”). The Know-Nothing Party trump eted
– dedication to reserving politica l office for
tive-born Americans and to resisting the
“‘gressions” of the Catholic Churc h, such
– its suppo sed efforts to und ermin e public
hool syste ms. The Know-Nothings swept
1854 state elections in Massac hu setts,
ting the governor, all of the state’s conssmen, and nearl y every member of the
te legislature. In man y states, nativi sts
1erged as a major compon ent of victor ious “anti -Nebra ska” coalitions
,·oters oppo sed to the Kansa s-Nebra ska Act. In th e North , th e Knowthings’ app eal combined anti-Catho lic and antis lavery sentim ent , with
position to the sale of liqu or often added to the equation.
Despit e severe anti- Iri sh discriminati on in jobs, housing , and ed uca n, however, it is remarkabl e how little came of demand s that immi..:.ntsbe barr ed from the political nation . All European immi gra nts
nefited from being whit e. The newc omers had the good fortun e to arrive
er whit e male suffrage had become the norm and auto matically received
right to vote .
A lithograph from around 1860
depicts the town of Bridgewater,
Massachusetts , home of a major
ironworks . A railroad speeds along
in the foreground , while factory
smokestacks dot the horizon. The tidy
buildings in the center suggest that
industrialization has not upset social
harmony. Industrial development in
the North widened the gap between
the sections.
The Propagation Society-More
Free than Welcome, an anti-Catholic
cartoon from the 1850s, illustrates the
nativist fear that the Catholic Church
poses a threat to American society.
Pope Pius IX, cross in hand, steps
ashore from a boat that also holds
five bishops . Addressing “Young
America ,” who holds a Bible, he says
that he has come to “take charge of
your spiritual welfare. ” A bishop adds ,
“I cannot bear to see that boy, with
that horrible book. ”
T HE
R I S E O F T H E RE PU B L I C A N PA R T Y
1385
The Free Labor Ideology
The Republican Party
S lave1y vers11sfree /abo1·
A contemporary print denounces
South Carolina congressman
Preston S. Brooks’s assault on
Massachusetts senator Charles
Sumner in May 1856. The attack
on the floor of the Senate was in
By 1856, it wa s clear tha t the Republi can Par ty- a coaliti on of anti sla
Democrat s, north ern Whi gs, Free Soilers, and Know-Nothin gs opp o
the furth er expan sion of slavery- would become the major altern ati
the Democratic Part y in the Nor th . The par ty’s app eal rested on the idt
“free labor .” In Republi can hand s, the antith esis betwee n “free society·
“slave society” coalesced int o a compr ehensive world view that glori
the North as the home of pr ogress, oppor tunit y, and freedom.
The defining quality of north ern society, Republican s declar ed.
the opp ortunit y it offered each laborer to move up to the statu s of 1
ownin g farm er or ind epend ent craftsman, thu s achieving the econ< ind epend ence essenti al to freedom. Slavery, by contra st, spaw ned a ord er consisting of degraded slaves, poor whit es with no hop e of adva ment, and idle ari stocrats. If slavery were to spr ead int o the W est, nort free laborers would be barr ed, and their chances for social advan ce severe ly dimini shed. Slavery, Republi cans insisted, mu st be kept o the territ ories so that free labor could flourish. The Republi can plat of 1856 cond emn ed slavery as one of the "twin relics of barbari sm" in Unit ed States (the other being Mormon polygamy). Republi cans were not abolitioni sts-t hey focused on pr eventing spread of slavery, not attacking it where it existed. Nonetheless, m part y leaders viewed the nation's division into free and slave societie an "irr epr essible conflict," as Senator Willi am H. Seward of New York it in 1858, that eventu ally would have to be resolved. retaliation for Sumner's speech accusing Senator Andrew P. Butler "Bleeding Kansas" and the Election of 1856 (Brooks's distant cousin) of having taken "t he harlot slavery" as his mistress . .,,~ ""' SOUTHERN 386 j Chapter CHIVALRY - 13 Their free labor outlook , which resonat ed ·so effectively with deeply north ern valu es, helps to explain the Republi can s' rapid ri se to pr, nence. But dr amatic event s in 1855 and 1 also fueled the par ty's growth. Wh en Kan held elections in 1854 and 1855, hundr ed pro slavery Missourian s crossed the bor to cast fraudul ent ballots. Pr esident Fr an Pierce recognized the legitima cy of the re ing pros lavery legislatur e, bu t settlers fr free states soon established a ri val govern mc A sporadic civil war brok e out in Kansa. which some 200 persons eventu ally lost t lives. In one incident, in May 1856, a pro I ARCUMENT vmuo CLUB ' S . ery mob attacked the free-soil stronghold * A House Divided 'Tence, burn ing public bu ildings and "Blee ding Kansas" seemed to discred it uglas's policy of leaving the decision on •-ery up to the local popu lation, th us aid- the Republicans. The party also drew - ngth from an u npreced ented incident the halls of Congress . South Carolina resentative Preston Brooks , wie lding ,,old-tipp ed cane, beat the ant islavery ator Charles Sumn er of Massac hu setts In th e election of 1856, the Repub lican rty chose as its candidate John C. - mont and drafted a platform that ngly opposed the further expansion of Party Candidate "ery. Stu ng by the northern reaction to Democrat Buchanan Kansas-Nebraska Act, the Democrats CJ Republican Fremont CJ American Fillmore minatedJames Buchanan, who had been nis ter to Great Britain in 1854 and thus ·d no direct connect ion with that divisive measur e. The Democratic tform endorsed the princip le of popu lar sovereignty as the only viab le .ution to the slavery controversy. Meanwhi le, th e Know-Noth ings - sented ex-president Millard Fillmore as the ir candidate . Fr emont tpolled Buchanan in the North, carrying eleven of sixteen free states - a mar kable achievement for an organizatio n that had existed for only two ars . Bu t Buchanan won th e entir e South and the key north ern state s of inois, Indiana , and Penn sylvania, enough to ensure his victory. Fillmore :rrie d only Maryland. Th e 1856 election returns made stark ly clear that litical part ies had reoriented th emselves along sectional lines. One ajor party had been destroyed, another seriou sly weakened , and a new e had arisen, devoted entire ly to the int erests of the North. Popular Vote (Share) 1,838,169 (45 °/o) 1,341,264 (33%) 874,534 (22%) Buchanan's v ictory Parties along sectional lines HE EMERGENCEOf LINCOLN e final collapse of th e part y system took place durin g the administration · a pres ident who epitomi zed the old political order. Born during George 'as hington's pr esidency, James Buchanan had served in Penn sylvania' s o-islatur e, in both hou ses of Congress, and as secretary of stat e und er T H E E M E R GE N C E O F L IN C O L N 1387 James K. Polk. A staunch believer in the Union , he committ ed him se pacifying inflam ed section al emotions. Few pr esidents have failed r. disastrou sly in what they set out to accomplish. The Dred Scott Decision Race and citizensbip Dred Scott as painted in 1857, the year the Supreme Court ruled t hat he and his family must remain in slavery. 388 1 C h apter 13 Even before his inaugur ation, Buchanan became aware of an impt. ing Supr eme Court decision that held out the hope of settlin g the s ery contr oversy once and for all. Thi s was the case of Dred Scott Sandf ord . Durin g the 1830s, Scott had accomp anied his owner , Dr. J Emer son of Missouri, to Illin ois, where slavery had been prohibi ted the Northwest Ordinanc e of 1787 and by state law, and to Wi sco Territor y, wh ere it wa s barr ed by the Missouri Compromi se. After re ing to Missouri , Scott sued for his freedom, claiming that residenct. free soil had mad e him free. The Dred Scott decision, one of the most famou s- or infa mo ruling s in the long histor y of th e Supr eme Court, wa s ann ounc ed in 11 1857, two days after Buchanan's inauguration . Speakin g for th e majo ChiefJu stice Roger B. Tan ey declar ed that only whit e persons could be zens of th e Unit ed Stat es. The nation's found ers, Taney insisted, belitthat blacks "had no right s which the whit e man wa s bound to respect. As for Scott's residence in Wi sconsin, the rulin g stated that Con0 possesse d no power und er the Constituti on to bar slavery from a terri: The Missouri Compromi se, recently repealed by the Kansas-Nebra Act, had been un constituti onal, and so was any measur e int erfe with south ern er s' right to brin g slaves into th e western territori es. • decision in effect declared un constituti onal the Republi can platforr restrictin g slavery's expan sion . It also. seemed to und ermin e Doug doctrin e of popular sovereignty. For if Congress lacked the power to hibit slavery in a territ ory, how could a terr itorial legislatur e creat Congre ss do so? Slavery, ann oun ced Pr esident Buchanan, henceforth existed ir the terr itor ies, "by virt ue of th e Constitut ion." In 1858, his admin L tion attempt ed to admit Kan sas as a slave state und er the Lecom Constituti on, whi ch had been dr afted by a pr o-south ern conventi on never submitt ed to a popular vote. Outr aged by this violation of pop sovereignt y, Douglas form ed an unlik ely alliance with congressi Repub lican s to block the attempt. The Lecompton battle convinc ed sou tr Democrat s that they could not tru st their part y's most popul ar nortl: leader . * A H ouse Divided rncoln and Slavery e depth of Americans ' divisions over slavery was brought into sharp >eu s in 1858 in one of the most storied election campaign s in the nation’s
· tory. Seeking reelection to the Senate as both a champion of popular sovreignty and the man who had prevented the administration from forcing
·avery on the people of Kansas , Dougla s faced an un expectedly stron g
hallenge from Abra ham Lincoln, then little known outs ide -of Illinoi s.
– rn int o a mod est farm family in Kentucky in 1809 , Lincoln had moved
– a youth to fron tier Indiana and then Illinois. He had served four terms
– a Whig in th e state legislatur e and one in Congress from 1847 to 1849.
Lincoln developed a critique of slavery and its expa nsion that gave
oice to the centra l values of the emerging Repub lican Par ty and th e milns of north ern ers whose loyalty it commanded. His speeches combined
e moral fervor of the abolitionists wit h the respect for order and the
onstitution of mor e conservative northerners. If slavery were allowed to
pand , he warned, the “love of liberty” would be extinguished and with
America ‘s specia l mission to be a symbol of democracy for the enti re
orld.
Lincoln was fascinated and disturb ed by the writings of pros lavery
;ieologues like George Fitzhugh (discussed in Chapter 11),and he rose to
e defense of nort hern society. “I want every man to have the chance,” said
~incoln, “and I believe a black man is entitl ed to it, in which he can better
is condition .” Blacks might not be the equa l of whit es in all respects , but
their “natural right ” to the fruits of their labor, they were “my equa l and
e equal of all other s.”
Abraham Lincoln in 1858, the year of
the Lincoln-Douglas debates.
Lincoln’s rhetoric
Stephen A. Douglas, in a
daguerreotype from around 1853.
he Lincoln-Douglas
Campaign
e campaign agains t Douglas, the North ‘s preeminent political leader,
eated Lincoln’s nati onal reputation. Acceptin g his party’s nominat ion for
e Senate in Jun e 1858, Lincoln an noun ced, “A house divid ed against itself
annot stand . I believe thi s govern ment cannot endu re, permanently half
we and halffree.”Lincoln’ s point was not that civil war was immin ent, bu t
at American s mu st choose between favoring and opposing slavery.
The Lincoln-Douglas debates , held in seven Illinoi s town s and
ttended by tens of thou sand s of listeners, remain classics of Amer ican
litical oratory. Clashin g definitions of freedom lay at their heart. To
~incoln , freedom meant opposition to slavery. Douglas arg ued, on the
ther hand, that the essence of freedom lay in local self-governme nt and
T HE
E ME R G E N C E O F LIN C O L N
1389
From the Lincoln-Douglas
Debates
(1858)
The most famous political campaign in American history, the 1858 race for the U.S. Senate
between Senator Stephen A. Douglas (a former Illinois judge) and Abraham Lincoln was
highlighted by seven debates in which they discussed the politics of slavery and contrasting
understandings of freedom.
DO UGLAS : Mr. Lincoln says that this governm ent cann ot endur e perm anentl y in the same condi tion in
whi ch it was mad e by its framers- divided int o free and slave states. He says that it has existed for about
seventy years thu s divided, and yet he tells you that it cann ot end ure perm anently on the same pr inciples
and in the same relative conditi ons in which our fath ers made it. .. . One of the reserved rights of the
states, was the right to regul ate the relation s between maste r and servant , on the slavery question.
Now, my friend s, if we will only act conscienti ou sly upon thi s great prin ciple of popul ar sovereignt y
whi ch guarant ees to each state and territor y the right to do as it pleases on all thin gs local and domestic
ins tead of Congress interfering, we will con tinu e to be at peace one with anoth er .
LINCOLN: Jud ge Douglas says, “Why can’ t this Union endur e perm anently, half slave and half free?”
“Wh y can ‘t we let it stand as our fath ers placed it?” That is the exact difficult y between u s . . . . I say
when this governm ent was first established it was the policy of its foun ders to pro hibit the spread of
slavery into the new territori es of the Unit ed States, where it had not existed. But Jud ge Douglas and his
friend s have brok en up th at policy and placed it upon a new basis by which it is to become national and
perp etual. All I have asked or des ired anywhere is that it should be placed back again up on the basis that
the found ers of our governm ent originally placed it- res trictin g it from the new territories .. . .
Jud ge Douglas assum es that we have no int erest in them- that we have no right to interfere… . Do
we not wish for an outlet for our surplu s popul ation, if I may so express myself? Do we not feel an int erest
in getting to that outlet with such instituti ons as we would like to have preva il there? Now irr espective
of the moral aspect of this question as to whether there is a right or wro ng in enslaving a negro, I am still
in favor of our new territ ories being in such a conditi on that whit e men may find a home. I am in favor
of thi s not merely for our own people, but as an outl et for f ree whitepeople everywhere, th e world over- in
whi ch Han s and Bapti ste and Patrick , and all oth er men from all the world , may find new homes and
better their conditi ons in life.
390
Chapter
13
* A House Divided
DOUGLAS: For one, I am opp osed to negro citizenship in any and every form. I believe this governm ent
was made on the whit e basis. I believe it was made by white men, for the benefit of whit e men and their
posterit y forever … . I do not believe that the Almight y mad e the negro capab le of self-governm ent. I
say to you, my fellow-citizens, that in my opinion the signers of the Declar ation of Ind epend ence had no
referenc e to the negro wh atever when they declar ed all men to be created equal. They desired to expr ess
by that phr ase, whit e men, men of Europ ean birth and Europ ean descent … wh en they spok e of the
equalit y of men.
LINCOLN : I have no purpo se to introduc e political and social equality between the whit e and the black
races. There is a ph ysical difference between the two, whi ch in my jud gmen t will probabl y forever forbid
their living together upon the footing of perfect equalit y, and inasmu ch as it becomes a necessity that
there mu st be a difference, I, as well as Jud ge Douglas, am in favor of the race to whi ch I belong, having
the sup erior position . … But I hold that notwith standin g all this, there is no reason in the world wh y the
negro is not entit led to all the natura l rights enum era ted in the Declara tion of Ind epend ence, the right
to life, libert y, and the pur suit of happin ess. I hold that he is as mu ch entitl ed to these as the whit e man.
I agree with Jud ge Douglas he is not my equ al in many respects-ce rt ainly not in color, perh aps not in
mora l or intellectu al end owment. But in the right to eat the br ead, wi thout leave of anybody else, which
his own hand earn s, be is my equal and the equal of Judge Douglas, and the equal of every living man.
DOUGLAS: He tells you that I will not argue the qu estion whether slavery is right or wrong. I tell you why
I will not do it. . .. I hold that the people of the slaveholding stat es are civilized men as well as our selves,
that they bear consciences as well as we, and that they are account able to God and their posterit y and not
to us. It is for them to decide therefore the moral and religious right of the slavery qu estion for themselves
within their own limit s . … He says that he looks
forward to a time wh en slavery shall be abolished
QUESTIONS
everywh ere. I look forward to a time wh en each
state shall be allowed to do as it pleases.
1. Ho w do Lincoln and Doug las differ
LINCOLN: I suppo se that th e real differe nce
on what rights black Ame ricans are
between Jud ge Douglas and his friend s, and the
enti tied to enjoy?
Republi cans, is th at the Jud ge is not in favor
of making any difference between slavery and
2. Why does Linco ln believe the nation
libert y … and consequ ently every sentiment he
can not exist foreve r half slave and half
utters discard s the idea that there is any wrong
free, whereas Doug las believes it can ?
in slavery …. Th at is the real issue. That is th e
3. H ow does each of the speakers balance
issue that will continu e in this count ry when these
the 1·ight of each sta te to ma nage its
poor tongues of Jud ge Douglas and myself shall
be silent. It is the etern al stru ggle between these
two principl es- right and wrong- throughout the
world.
own affait·s against the r ight of every
person to be free?
VOICES
OF
FREEDOM
391
Tbe meaning of fr eedom
Illinois divided
indi vidu al self-determin ation. A large and diverse nation could
sur vive by respecting the right of each locality to determin e its own i
tutions . In respon se to a qu estion posed by Lincoln durin g the Free,_
debate, Dougla s insisted that popular sovereignt y was not incom pa
with the Dred Scott decision. Although territorial legislatures coul
longer exclud e slavery dir ectly, he arg ued, if the people wished to
slaveholders out, all they needed to do was refrain from giving the in
tion legal prote ction.
Lincoln shared man y of the racia l prejudices of his da y. He oppc
giving Illinoi s bla cks th e right to vote or serve on ju ries and spoke
quently of colonizing blacks overseas as the best solution to th e pr ob!
of slavery and rac e. Yet, unlik e Dougla s, Lincoln did not u se appe a
raci sm to garn er votes. And he refused to exclud e black s from the hu
family. No less than whites, they were entitl ed to the inali enabl e righ
th e Declaration of Ind epend ence, which app lied to “all men, in all lar
everyw here,” not merely to Europeans and their descend ant s.
The 1858 Illinoi s election returns revealed a state sharpl y divid ed.
th e nation itself. South ern Illinoi s, settled from the South, voted stro
Democratic , while the rapidl y growing north ern part of th e state
firmly in th e Republican column . Unti l the adoption of the Sevent
Amendment in the early twentieth century, each state’s legislature ct
its U.S. senator s. The Democrat s emerged with a narrow mar gin in the
islatur e, and Douglas was reelected. His victor y was remarkable beca
elsewher e in th e North Republican s swep t to victory in 1858.
John Brown at Harpers
John Brown in an 1856 photograph .
392 1 Chapter
13
Ferry
An arm ed assault by th e abolitionist john Brown on th e federal arsen a
Harpers Ferry, Virginia, further heightened sectional tension s. Du
the civil war in Kansas, Brown tra veled to th e territory. In May 1856, a
th e atta ck on Lawr ence, he and a few followers murd ered five pro sla,·
settlers at Pottawa tomie Creek. For the next two years, he trav eled thro
th e North and Canada , raising fund s and enlisting followers for a
against slavery.
On October 16, 1859, with twent y-one men, five of th em black , Bro
seized Harp ers Ferry. The plan made little milit ary sense. Brown’ s b
was soon surround ed and killed or captur ed by a detachment of fed
soldiers headed by Colonel Robert E. Lee. Placed on tria l for trea:
against the stat e of Virginia , Brown conduct ed him self with dignit y
courage. When Virginia ‘s governor , Henr y A. Wise, spurned pleas
* A House Divided
ency and order ed Brown execut ed, he turned Brown into a mart yr to
Brown’s martyrdom
h of the North .
To the South , the failure of Brown’ s assault seemed less significant
the adulation he seemed to arou se from much of the north ern public.
raid and execution furth er widened th e br each between the section s.
·n’s last letter was a bri ef, prophetic statement: “I, John Brow n, am
· _ certain that th e crimes of thi s guilt y land will never be pu: ged away
·,·ith blood .”
Rise of Southern
Nationalism
h the Republi cans continuin g to gain strength in the North , Democrat s
.:ht have been expected to put a premium on par ty unit y as the elec-
of 1860 approached. By thi s tim e, however, a sizable grou p of
·hern ers viewed th eir region ‘s pro spects as mor e favorable outside the
on than within it. To remain in th e Union , secess ionists arg u ed, meant
ccept “bondage” to the North. But an ind epend ent South could become
foundation of a slave empir e ringing the Caribbean and embrac ing
a, other W est Indian island s, Mexico, and parts of Central Ame rica.
More and more south ern ers were speak ing openly of south ward
ns ion. In 1854, Pierr e Soule of Louisiana, the Ame rican ambassador
-pa in, had persuad ed the mini sters to Britain and France to join him in
_ ing the Ostend Manifesto , wh ich called on th e United States to pure or seize Cuba, where slavery was still legal, from Spain . Meanwhile ,
Secessionists
Ostend Manifesto
An 1835 painting of the federal
arsenal at Harpers Ferry, Virginia
(now West Virginia). John Brown ‘s
raid on Harpers Ferry in October
1859 helped to bring on the Civil War.
T H E E M E R G E N C E O F L IN C O L N
1393
Stre11gthening
slavery in the
Soutb
the military adventur er William W alker led a series of “filibu ste.
expeditions (th e term derived from the Spanish word for pirate,.fi/ibu.
in Centr al America.
By th e late 1850s, south ern leaders were bending every effcstreng then the bond s of slavery. “Slavery is our king,” declare d a
Carolina politician in 1860. “Slavery is our truth , slave ry is our d;
right.” By early 1860 , seven sta tes of the Deep South had gone on n.
deman ding that the Democratic platform pledge to protect slave,
all the territor ies th at had not yet been ad mitt ed to the Union as
Virtually no north ern politician could accept thi s position. For sou
leaders to in sist on it wou ld guarant ee the destructio n of the Dem Par ty as a nation al in stituti on. But south ern nation alists, kn O “fire-eaters,” hop ed to sp lit the party and the country and form an ·
pendent south ern Confederacy .
The Election
of 1860
When the Democratic convention met in April 1860, Douglas’s supers commanded a majority but not the two-thirds required for a . dentia l nomination . When the conve.
adopted a platform reaffirming the doc
of popular sovere ign ty, delegates
the seven slave states of the Lower
wa lked out, and the gat herin g reces
confusion . Six weeks later, it reconY
rep laced the bolters with Douglas super s, and nominat ed him for pre sidec
response, south ern Democrats placed
own ticket in th e field, headed by :
C. Breckinrid ge of Kentucky. Breckin
insisted that slavery must be protec t
the western territories.
Th e Democratic Party , the last _
bond of national unit y, had been shat r
Nat ional conve nti ons had traditi or
PopularVote
been places where part y manager s, m
Party
Candidate
(Share)
ful of the need for un ity in the fall cam
c::J Republican
Lincoln
180 (59%)
1,866,45 2 (40%)
reconc iled their differences. But in 1
Southern Democrat Breckinridge
72 (24°/o)
847,953 (18%)
c::J Constit utional Union Bell
39 (13%)
590,831 (13%)
neith er north ern nor sout hern Dem
c::J Nort hern Democrat Douglas
12 (4°/o)
1,371,157 (29°/o)
were interested in conciliat ion. Sour
r::::J St ates that Republicans lost in 1856, won in 1860
Democrats no longer trusted their nort
394
I Chapter
13
* A House Divided
· -rparts. Douglas’s backers, for their part, would
ept a platform that doomed their party to certa in
!eanw hile, Republican s gat hered in Chicago and
Lincoln as their stand ard -bearer. The part y plat:ienied the valid ity of the Dred Scott decision, reafRepub licans’ opposition to slavery’s expans ion,
dded economic planks designed to app eal to a
~ array of northern voter s- free hom esteads in the
· a protective tariff, and government aid in building
.n effect, two presidential campa igns took place in
In the Nor th, Lincoln and Douglas were the comnts. In the South, the Republic ans had no pr esence,
three candidates contes ted the election – Douglas,
kinr idge, and John Bell of Tenn essee, the candidat e
e hasti ly organ ized Constituti onal Union Party. A haven for Un ionist
.er Whigs, this new part y adopted a platform consisting of a singl e
-:”e- to pr eserve “the Constituti on as it is [that is, with slavery] and the
n as it was [with ou t sectiona l discord].”
The most strik ing thing about the election returns was their sectional
racter . Lincoln carr ied all of the North except New Jer sey, receiving
A colorful Republican campaign
banner from the 1860 campaign
emphasizes the party’s opposition to
the expansion of slavery and promise
of free homesteads for settlers in the
West.
An 1860 engraving of a mass meeting
in Savannah, Georgia, shortly after
Lincoln’s election as president ,
which called for the state to secede
from the Union. The banner on the
obelisk at the center reads, “Our
Motto Southern Rights, Equality of
the States, Don’t Tread on Me”-the
last a slogan from the American
Revolution .
T HE
E M E R G E N C E O F LI N C O L N
1395
1.8 million popul ar votes (54 per cent of the regional total and 40 perc
of the national) and 180 electoral votes (a clear majorit y). Breckinri
captur ed most of the slave sta tes, alth ough Bell carri ed thr ee Upp er S
states and about 40 percent of the south ern vote as a whole. Dou_
placed first only in Missouri , bu t he was the only candid ate with si
cant supp ort in all parts of the coun try. His failu re to carry either sect
however, suggested that a traditional political career based on devotic
the Uni on wa s no longer poss ible. W ith ou t a single vote in ten sout
states, Lincoln was elected the nation’s sixteenth pres ident. But be
of the North ‘s sup eriori ty in pop ul ation, Lincoln would still have ca
the electoral college and thu s been elected pr esident even if the votes
three oppon ent s had all been cas t for a single candidate.
Sectional results
THEIMPENDINGCRISIS
The Secession
Southern response to Lincoln’s
victory
South Carolina
396
I Chapter
13
Movement
In the eyes of many white sou therners, Lincoln’s victory placed
futur e at the mercy of a part y avowe dly hostile to their region’s value_
interests. Th ose advocating secession did not believe Lincoln ‘s adm
tr ation would take imm ediate steps against slavery in the states. B
as seemed quit e possible, the election of 1860 mark ed a fund amental
in power , the beginning of a long per iod of Republi can rul e, who
say what the North ‘s antislavery sentim ent would demand in five _
or ten? Slaveow ners, moreover, feared Repu blican effort s to extend
pa rty int o the South by appea ling to non-_slaveholders. Rather than a
permanent min ority status, Deep Sou th politi cal leaders boldly stru
their region’s ind ependence.
In the month s that followed Lincoln’s election, seven states st
ing from South Carolin a to Texas seceded from the Uni on . These
th e state~·of the Cotton Kingdom, where slaves repr esent ed a larger
of the total population than in the Uppe r South . Fir st to secede wa Carolin a, the state with the highest percenta ge of slaves in its popu
and a long history of political rad icalism. On Decemb er 20 , 1860, the
latur e un anim ously voted to leave the Union. Its Declarationof the Im
Causesof Secession pla ced th e issu e of slavery squ arely at the center
crisis. The first and longest complain t against the free states wa
ference with the return of fugiti ve slaves . The document ind icat
* A House Di v ided
only northern actions but north ern public opinion regarding slavery
pelled the state to leave th e Union. Experi ence had proved “that slaveing states cannot be safe in subj ection to non slaveholdin g stat es.”
Secession
Crisis
the Union unrav eled, Pre sident Buchanan seemed paralyzed. He
ied that a state could secede, but he also in sisted that the federa l
ern ment had no right to u se force again st it. Other political leadstruggl ed to find a formu la to r esolve the crisis. Senator John
– ritte nd en of Kentucky, a slave stat e on th e bor der betwee n Nort h
South , offered th e most widely support ed compromi se plan of th e
ession winter. Embodied in a seri es of unamendable constitutional
endment s, Crittenden’s propo sal would ha ve guara nt eed the futur e
-Javery in th e sta tes where it existed and exten ded the Missouri
mpro mise lin e to the Pacific Ocean, dividing between slav ery and
soil all terr itori es “now held, or hereafter acquir ed.” The seceding
ces rejected the compromise as too littl e, too lat e. But many in the
per South and North saw it as a way to settl e sectional differences
preve nt civil war.
Critt end en’s plan , how ever, foundered on the opposition of Abrah am
~coin. Willing to conciliate the South on issues like the return of fugie slaves, Lincoln took an un yieldin g stand against the expa nsion of
‘ery . “We have ju st carried an election,” he wrote , “on principles fairly
aced to the people. Now we are told in adva nce that the governm ent
all be brok en up unl ess we surr ender to those we have beaten, before
_ take th e offices…. If we surr end er, it is the end of us and the end of the
Before Lincoln assumed office on March 4, 1861, the seven seceding
ates formed the Confederate Stat es of America, adopted a consti tution,
d chose as their pr esident Jefferson Davis of Mississippi. With a few
· era tion s-t he president served a sing le six-year term; cabin et members,
– in Britain , could sit in Congress – the Confederate cons tituti on was
deled closely on that of the United States. It departed from the federal
~onstitution , however, in explicitly guaranteeing slave property both in
he states and in any territories the new nati on acquired. The “cornerone” of the Confederacy , announc ed Davis’s vice president, Alexand er H.
:cephens of Georgia, was “the great truth that the negro is not equa l to the
·hite man, that slavery, subo rdin ation to the sup erior race, is his natural
nd normal conditi on.”
Crittenden Compromise
Li11coln’soppositionto the
Crittenden plan
Tbe Confederate States of
America
T H E I MP E ND I N G C RI SI S
1397
Inauguration of Mr. Lincoln , a
photogra ph taken on March 4, 1861.
The unfinished dome of the Capitol
building symbolizes the precarious
state of the Union at the time Lincoln
assumed office.
And the War Came
Lincoln’s response to secession
First month of presidency
Fort Sumter
398 I Chapter
13
In his inaugural addr ess, Lincoln tri ed to be conciliatory. He reject ed
right of secession but denied an y int ention of int erfering with slave
the states. He said nothing of retakin g the fort s, arsena ls, and cust
hou ses the Confederacy had seized, although he did promis e to “h
remainin g federal propert y in the seceding states. But Lincoln also is
a veiled warning: “In your hands , my dissa tisfied fellow countr y
and not in min e, is the momentous issu e of civil war.”
In his first month as pr esident, Lincoln wa lked a tightrop e.
avoided any action that might driv e mor e states from the Union, enc
aged south ern Unionist s to assert them selves wit hin the Confederacy.
sought to quiet a growing clamor in the North for forceful action aga:
secession. Knowing that the risk of war existed, Lincoln strove to enthat if hostilities did br eak out, the South, not the Union, would fire
first snot. And that is precisely what happened on April 12, 1861, at F
Sumter , an enclave of Union contro l in the harbor of Charleston, S,
Carolina.
A few days earlier, Lincoln had notified South Carolina’s governor •
he int end ed to replenish the garrison’s dwindling food supplies. Vie,
Fort Sumter’s presenc e as an affront to south ern nationho od and
haps hoping to force the waver ing Upper South to join the Confeder
Jeffer son Davis ordered batterie s to fire on the fort. On Apri l 14, its c-
* A House Divided
An Allegory of the North and the
South, painted in 1858 by the
Connecticut-born artist Luther Terry,
offers a symbolic portrait of the
United States on the eve of the Civil
War. At the center is a female figure
representing the nation and wearing a
cap of liberty , with a horn of plenty at
her feet. The figure of the South, on
the left, is seated on a bale of cott on,
with slaves visible in t he fields behind
her. The North, on the right, holds
a book , Useful Arts and Sciences ,
and sits before a New England town
with a church and a textile mill. The
sectional harmony portrayed here
would soon be replaced by bloody
warfare .
der surr endere d. Th e following day, Lincoln proclaimed th at an
rrection existed in the Sout h and called for 75,000 troops to sup – it. Civil war had begu n. Within weeks, Virginia, North Carolin a,
nessee, and Arkan sas joined the Confederacy. “Both sides depr ecated
r.” Lincoln later said, “but one of them would make war rath er than let
nat ion sur vive; and the other would acceptwa r rather than let it perish.
,j the war cam e.”
The Un ion crea ted by th e found er s lay in ruin s. Th e stru ggle to
ui ld it wou ld brin g ab out a new birth of Ameri can freedo m .
T HE
Lincoln’s call to arms
IMP E ND I N G C R IS I S
1399
CHAPTERREVIEWAND ONLINERESOURCES
REVIEW
QUESTIONS
1. Explain the justifications for the doctrine of manifest des-
tiny, including material and idealistic motivations.
2. Why did many Americans criticize the Mexican War? How
did they see expansion as a threat to American liberties?
3. How did the concept of “race” develop by the mid-
nineteenth century? How did it enter into the manifest
destiny debate?
KEY TERMS
Tejanos (p. 367)
Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna
(p. 368)
Texas revolt (p. 368)
Mexican War (p. 370)
gold rush (p. 375)
Commodore Matthew Perry
(p. 376)
Wilmot Proviso (p. 377)
Free Soil Party (p. 377)
Compromise of 1850 (p. 379)
Fugitive Slave Act (p. 380)
4. How did western expansion affect the sectional tensions
between the North and South?
5. How did the market revolution contribute to the rise of the
Republican Party? How did those economic and political
facto,·s serve to unite groups in the Northeast and in the
Northwest, and why was that unity significant?
popular sovereignty (p. 381)
Kansas-Nebraska Act (p. 382)
Know-Nothing Party (p. 385)
“Bleeding Kansas” (p. 387)
Dred Scott v. Sandford (p. 388)
Lincoln-Douglas debates (p. 389)
Harpers Ferry, Virginia (p. 392)
Fort Sumter (p. 398)
6. Based on the Lincoln-Douglas debates, bow did the two
differ on the expansion of slavery, equal rights, and the
role of the national government? Use examples of their
words to illustrate your points.
7. Why did Stephen Douglas, among others, believe that
“popular sovereignty” could resolve sectional divisions of
the 1850s? Why did the idea not work out?
8. Explain bow sectional voting patterns in the 1860 presi-
dential election allowed southern “fire-eaters” to justify
secession.
9. What do the California gold rush and the opening of
Japan reveal about the United States’ involvement in a
global economic system?
400
Chapter
13
* A House Divided
Go to
~ INQUIZITIVE
To see what you know-and
learn
w hat you ‘v e missed-with
perso n-
alized feedback along the w ay.
Visit the Give Me Liberty!
Student Site for primary source
documen ts and images , interac ti ve map s, aut hor videos featurin g
Eric Foner , and mor e.
General Provisions of the Constitution of the Republic of Texas (1836)
https://tarlton.law.utexas.edu/constitutions/republic-texas-1836/general-provisions
SEC. 9. All persons of color who were slaves for life previous to their emigration to Texas, and
who are now held in bondage, shall remain in the like state of servitude, provide the said slave
shall be the bona fide property of the person so holding said slave as aforesaid. Congress shall
pass no laws to prohibit emigrants from the United States of America from bringing their slaves
into the Republic with them, and holding them by the same tenure by which such slaves were
held in the United States; nor shall Congress have power to emancipate slaves; nor shall any
slave-holder be allowed to emancipate his or her slave or slaves, without the consent of
Congress, unless he or she shall send his or her slave or slaves without the limits of the
Republic. No free person of African descent, either in whole or in part, shall be permitted to
reside permanently in the Republic, without the consent of Congress, and the importation or
admission of Africans or negroes into this Republic, excepting from the United States of
America, is forever prohibited, and declared to be piracy.
SEC. 10. All persons, (Africans, the descendants of Africans, and Indians excepted,) who were
residing in Texas on the day of the Declaration of Independence, shall be considered citizens of
the Republic, and entitled to all the privileges of such…
1
History Question
Taoning Zhang
History40D
Trevor Griffey
08/03/2022
2
In the documentary Tecumseh’s Vision, the film narrates itself through interviews that it
conducts. The narrator heavily relies on real people and events to pass the history of indigenous
people, as is evident from his shadowing of events that took place back in the day. For instance,
there is a character representing Tecumseh who brings out his character (“Kanopy”, n.d.). Using
real people to bear witness authenticates the documentary’s claims to be true accounts. Also, the
narration is based on the narrator’s interaction with the interviewees that are part of the
documentary. The story has both historians who provide their views of the events that took place
and victims/people that were involved. For instance, David Edmunds, among the many historians
in the documentary, provides an account of the events that took place about the indigenous
people (“Kanopy”, n.d.). David Edmunds suggests that Tecumseh is fighting for the Indian
people, and the historian has enough knowledge of what transpired; he even goes further to quote
the words of Tecumseh when he firmly refuses any oppression and suggests that the indigenous s
people need to stand firm.
Tecumseh led his followers to many battles, and he was able to organize a Native
American confederacy. The native Indians participated in raids on settlers as the group
strengthened to help in the war against the U.S. army. The warriors participated in numerous
wars, for instance, the battle of Wabash, in which the Indians were defeated and both parties
were forced to sign a treaty of Greenville (“Kanopy”, n.d.). However, Tecumseh did not
participate in signing the Treaty as he belied that the Indians did not own the land they had given
up since he strongly believed that the land was to be shared by all Indians. Tecumseh argued that
for Indians to defeat the whites/ Americans was for the Indians to unite and resist copying the
lifestyle of the whites. Alongside his follower after the defeat by William Harrison, the group
3
joined British forces in Michigan to defeat the American forces and claim their land ((“Kanopy”,
n.d.).
Many indigenous people were brutally killed and discriminated against. There were
market pressures that resulted in the plunder of lands inhabited by indigenous people. The
resistance led by Tecumseh made the indigenous people lose most of their land. Most of the
treaties allowed the Indians to lose land and made the indigenous people of today not have an
identity or fight to have an identity. Even though Tecumseh died in the battle alongside his
British allies, he remains a symbol of the indigenous identity and pride (“Kanopy”, n.d.).
During the American Revolutionary War, numerous Native American tribes sided with
the British alongside Tecumseh. However, the destinies of these British allies were not addressed
in the Treaty, which ended the war. As a result, the new American government was allowed to
annex Native American land using either treaties or force. The tribes’ resistance stopped
newcomers from invading, at least momentarily (“Kanopy”, n.d.). After the Revolutionary War,
the United States carried on the British strategy of concluding treaties with indigenous people.
The primary goals of the treaties were to define Native American territory’s boundaries and to
offer compensation for land taken. The United States administration did not always see the
treaties as binding, even though the Senate frequently did not ratify them, leaving issues
unresolved (“Kanopy,” n.d.).
Glenn (2015) claims that special education was made available to Indian children to
prepare them for productive lives in American society. The curriculum promoted differential
gender norms since boys were taught about agriculture while girls were taught housework, and
the children were not allowed to speak their native tongues (Glenn, 2015). In 953, congress
4
passed legislation meant to terminate the tribal status of the indigenous people as the members
were unilaterally made U.S. citizens.
The War of 1812, which lasted from 1812 to 1815, was centred on the appeasement of
American service members and economic sanctions on American shipping. The Treaty of Ghent,
which formally ended the War of 1812, made no significant modifications to the pre-war borders
or boundaries, even though the War of 1812 led to the resolution of many American complaints
(Glenn, 2015). The battle’s outcome was terrible for Native Americans who supported the British
concerning their territorial and political independence, showing that the conflict did not result in
a shared national identity for American citizens and the indigenous people.
References
Glenn, E. N. (2015). Settler colonialism as structure: A framework for comparative studies of
U.S. race and gender formation. Sociology of Race and Ethnicity, 1(1), 52-72.
5
Kanopy. (n.d.). Kanopy- Stream Classic Cinema, Indie films and Top Documentaries.
https://www.kanopy.com/product/we-shall-remain
1
History Question
Taoning Zhang
History40D
Trevor Griffey
08/03/2022
2
In the documentary Tecumseh’s Vision, the film narrates itself through interviews that it
conducts. The narrator heavily relies on real people and events to pass the history of indigenous
people, as is evident from his shadowing of events that took place back in the day. For instance,
there is a character representing Tecumseh who brings out his character (“Kanopy”, n.d.). Using
real people to bear witness authenticates the documentary’s claims to be true accounts. Also, the
narration is based on the narrator’s interaction with the interviewees that are part of the
documentary. The story has both historians who provide their views of the events that took place
and victims/people that were involved. For instance, David Edmunds, among the many historians
in the documentary, provides an account of the events that took place about the indigenous
people (“Kanopy”, n.d.). David Edmunds suggests that Tecumseh is fighting for the Indian
people, and the historian has enough knowledge of what transpired; he even goes further to quote
the words of Tecumseh when he firmly refuses any oppression and suggests that the indigenous s
people need to stand firm.
Tecumseh led his followers to many battles, and he was able to organize a Native
American confederacy. The native Indians participated in raids on settlers as the group
strengthened to help in the war against the U.S. army. The warriors participated in numerous
wars, for instance, the battle of Wabash, in which the Indians were defeated and both parties
were forced to sign a treaty of Greenville (“Kanopy”, n.d.). However, Tecumseh did not
participate in signing the Treaty as he belied that the Indians did not own the land they had given
up since he strongly believed that the land was to be shared by all Indians. Tecumseh argued that
for Indians to defeat the whites/ Americans was for the Indians to unite and resist copying the
lifestyle of the whites. Alongside his follower after the defeat by William Harrison, the group
3
joined British forces in Michigan to defeat the American forces and claim their land ((“Kanopy”,
n.d.).
Many indigenous people were brutally killed and discriminated against. There were
market pressures that resulted in the plunder of lands inhabited by indigenous people. The
resistance led by Tecumseh made the indigenous people lose most of their land. Most of the
treaties allowed the Indians to lose land and made the indigenous people of today not have an
identity or fight to have an identity. Even though Tecumseh died in the battle alongside his
British allies, he remains a symbol of the indigenous identity and pride (“Kanopy”, n.d.).
During the American Revolutionary War, numerous Native American tribes sided with
the British alongside Tecumseh. However, the destinies of these British allies were not addressed
in the Treaty, which ended the war. As a result, the new American government was allowed to
annex Native American land using either treaties or force. The tribes’ resistance stopped
newcomers from invading, at least momentarily (“Kanopy”, n.d.). After the Revolutionary War,
the United States carried on the British strategy of concluding treaties with indigenous people.
The primary goals of the treaties were to define Native American territory’s boundaries and to
offer compensation for land taken. The United States administration did not always see the
treaties as binding, even though the Senate frequently did not ratify them, leaving issues
unresolved (“Kanopy,” n.d.).
Glenn (2015) claims that special education was made available to Indian children to
prepare them for productive lives in American society. The curriculum promoted differential
gender norms since boys were taught about agriculture while girls were taught housework, and
the children were not allowed to speak their native tongues (Glenn, 2015). In 953, congress
4
passed legislation meant to terminate the tribal status of the indigenous people as the members
were unilaterally made U.S. citizens.
The War of 1812, which lasted from 1812 to 1815, was centred on the appeasement of
American service members and economic sanctions on American shipping. The Treaty of Ghent,
which formally ended the War of 1812, made no significant modifications to the pre-war borders
or boundaries, even though the War of 1812 led to the resolution of many American complaints
(Glenn, 2015). The battle’s outcome was terrible for Native Americans who supported the British
concerning their territorial and political independence, showing that the conflict did not result in
a shared national identity for American citizens and the indigenous people.
References
Glenn, E. N. (2015). Settler colonialism as structure: A framework for comparative studies of
U.S. race and gender formation. Sociology of Race and Ethnicity, 1(1), 52-72.
5
Kanopy. (n.d.). Kanopy- Stream Classic Cinema, Indie films and Top Documentaries.
https://www.kanopy.com/product/we-shall-remain

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