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paper is 3-4 pages talking about the differences and similarities between Israel and Iran.

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Dylan Frank
9/14/21
The general social dynamic I plan to compare is the issue of police brutality in the
nations of Israel and Iran. The dynamic itself is crucial to analyze due to the prevalence of the
issue that can be seen not just in the two nations listed, but in other major countries around the
world. There is a lot taken from these two countries by analyzing the issue of police brutality;
such as their justice systems and in which they handle the excessive force used by their law
enforcements, the motives for the law enforcement to be using such force which goes hand in
hand with what the citizens of both counties are doing that they need to be restrained with such
force. Police brutality is a major issue anywhere it can be found, the use of excessive force onto
citizens is extremely immoral and puts the lives of innocent people in danger, analyzing other
countries on how it begins and how it can be dealt with can be useful to any other nation
including here in the U.S, and assist nations to put an end to the issue. Based on the abstracts,
police brutality in the two middle eastern countries tend to begin with racial or religious
discrimmination and mistreatment, and officers taking that discrimmination to an unnecessary
physically abusive level. The actions of these officers are quickly recorded and posted on social
media platforms in almost an instant, only to be welcomed by millions of angry people who wish
to put an end to such an issue. The governments of both countries seem to lack urgency in
dealing with police brutality, the real progress in making change comes from the amount of
social support that comes from social media around the world.
Academic Sources
Israel
1. https://www.taylorfrancis.com/chapters/edit/10.4324/9781003111702-7/black-israeli-lives
-matter-omer-keynan
a. Blackness in israel, Omer Kenyan, published in 2020
b. In April 2015, CCTV footage of Israeli police officers beating a Jewish-Israeli of
Ethiopian descent, who was an active duty soldier in uniform, went viral on
Facebook. In response, members of the Ethiopian-Israeli community organized a
series of demonstrations against police brutality. By studying online interactions on
Facebook pages popular with Ethiopian users, this chapter shows how these users
interpreted the video as exhibiting social exclusion based on skin color. The protest
movement’s narratives were inspired by the historical and cultural struggle of the
African American community, and more recently, by the Black Lives Matter
Movement in the United States. Adopting the narrative of “black struggle” also
indicated Ethiopian-Israeli users’ preference for an uncompromising social protest
rather than conciliatory approaches that advocates social integration efforts. Drawing
upon concepts in studies of social movements and online activism, the findings of
this chapter lend insight into the role of social media in the formation and ongoing
conduct of contemporary social movements as a space where ideas, messages, and
forms of protest are conveyed by visual, symbolic and emotional means.
2. https://www.emerald.com/insight/content/doi/10.1108/13639510010355440/full/html
a. MCB UP Ltd, Sergio Herzog, 12/1/2000
b. In light of criticism against the Israel National Police in recent years for excessive
use of physical force, the personal views of Israeli police officers were elicited
regarding the illegal use of force. Personal questionnaires were administered to a
sample of police officers who had been investigated for using illegal force against
citizens between 1989 and 1997. Informal messages contrary to the
organization’s formal messages regarding the use of force, and justifying it in
certain circumstances and for certain types of offense, seemed highly prevalent,
especially among middle‐rank police officers. The results obtained provide
support for the existence of a deviant organizational subculture.
3. https://academic.oup.com/bjc/article-abstract/47/5/728/464492
a. Badi Hasisi, Ronald Weitzer, The British Journal of Criminology, 7/07/2007
b. Remarkably little research has been conducted on police relations with citizens in
Israel compared with other societies that are deeply divided along ethnic lines.
This paper examines the views of Arabs and Jews regarding several key aspects
of policing in Israel. The findings indicate, first, that Arabs are consistently more
critical of the police than Jews, and these ethnic differences persist net of the
influence of other variables. Second, in addition to the role played by ethnicity in
explaining public assessments of the police, a number of other variables
influence such attitudes. The results are interpreted within the context of the
divided society model of policing, which originated in research on other ethnically
polarized societies.
4. https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s11077-012-9154-x
a. Guy Ben-Porat, Fany Yuval & Shlomo Mizrahi, Policy Sciences, 6/29/12
b. Diverse societies present different challenges for police forces that have to gain
the trust and legitimacy of minorities. Police forces must develop the ability to
engage with diversity and overcome their own biases and prejudices in order to
better serve minorities. Police reforms, however, may fail to address the
challenge successfully if core problems are not clearly identified. In such a case,
reforms may be misdirected and fail to achieve the desired results. This paper,
based on a study of the Arab minority in Israel, suggests a bottom-up approach
that concentrates on identifying the attitudes of minority groups as the basis for
any reform plan. A survey was conducted among Arab citizens to identify general
attitudes, perceptions of over-policing and under-policing and assessment of
three potential reforms; recruitment of minority members into the police,
community involvement in policing, and cultural training for police officers.
5. https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.5749/jcritethnstud.3.2.0015
a. Nadine Naber, University of Minnesota Press, Fall 2017
b. This article focuses on the internet-facilitated revolutions of the Green Movement
in Iran in 2009 and the recent 2011 events in Egypt that led to the ousting of
Mubarak. In both cases of political unrest, the internet and mainly social media
were considered an important influence that helped spark and organize the
protests. However, the hype created on the internet’s relation to facilitating these
events has hindered a deeper understanding of some more crucial ways, as well
as the potential extent that digital communications can influence contemporary
political insurgencies. This article sheds some light on less explicitly articulated
aspects of these political events and the role of digital communications in them,
drawing conclusions by looking at the socio-political background and the protests
and countermeasures that took place in Iran and Egypt during the latest periods
of political unrest.
6. https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.2979/israelstudies.22.2.01
a. Avi Picard, Indiana University Press, Summer 2017
b. During Israel’s first decades, conflict between immigrants from Islamic countries
and the Israeli establishment focused on questions regarding equality. The
immigrants protested against discrimination in the labor market, against poor
housing conditions, and against police brutality. The question of Mizrahi culture
and identity was barely mentioned. In the 1970s and 1980s, however, the ethnic
discourse in Israel shifted from economic issues to cultural issues. Different
groups challenged the school curriculum, asking for more attention to the history
and literature of Jews from Islamic countries. Mizrahi music started to develop on
the fringe of the Israeli musical scene and moved slowly into the mainstream.
Political parties (Tami and Shas) identified with Mizrahi identity and emphasizing
it, started to appear and to achieve success. This article provides examples of
the expression of identity and culture in different fields and analyzes the causes
of this change.
7. https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/15614260290033620
a. Sergio Herzog, Police Practice and Research, 10/27/10
b. Police violence in Israel was analyzed, especially how the establishment in 1992
of a civilian board for the investigation of police officers accused of using illegal
force affected complaints against them. Official figures show a sharp increase in
the number of files opened against police officers in general, and particularly
those concerned with suspected use of illegal force, since 1992. This trend
seems not to reflect actual worsening of police violence on the street but to be
the result of wide public support for civilian involvement in the complaints system,
of procedural changes in that system, and of specific demographic changes in
the Israeli population. Despite expectations, the percentage of sustained
illegal-use-of-force files investigated by the new civilian unit decreased
significantly in comparison with the previous period, mainly on account of
structural and procedural factors.
8. https://link.springer.com/chapter/10.1057/9781137295064_5
a. Oz Frankel- Black Powers beyond Borders- 2012
b. In early January 1971, Israeli newspapers reported on mounting frustrations
among street gangs in the capital, Jerusalem. One member told a reporter, “We
want everyone to know that we are here, and that something is going to happen.
There are two kinds of people in this country—a superior one and an inferior one.
Enough! If our parents were quiet all the time—we are not going to keep quiet.”1
Al Hamishmar daily quoted another youngster declaring, “We want to organize
against the Ashkenazi government and the establishment. We will be the Black
Panthers of the State of Israel.”2 The mayor of Jerusalem and the local chief of
police discounted these early accounts, dismissing as ludicrous the very idea of a
Black Panther-like agitation in the streets of Jerusalem.
9. https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/1468796816664750
a. Ofir Abu, Fany Yuval, Guy Ben-Porat Race, Racism and Policing, 8/23/16
b. Immigrants who believe they suffer from stigmatization and discrimination may
still demonstrate positive attitudes toward government authorities. We explore
this trust–discrimination paradox by examining perceptions about police and
policing among Ethiopian Jews in Israel, an immigrant racial minority. Drawing on
data collected from focus groups and survey results, we find that levels of trust in
the police among Israelis of Ethiopian descent are equal to or higher than among
veteran Jewish Israelis. Nevertheless, Ethiopian Israelis also report negative
perceptions of the police that are rooted in strong feelings of stigmatization by
these government agents. While trust in the police may reflect Ethiopian Jews’
desire for integration, participation, and inclusion as legitimate and equal
members of nation and state, we demonstrate that they use various
de-stigmatization strategies whose aim is to downplay the importance and depth
of their discrimination by the police. These strategies, we argue, allow Ethiopian
Israelis to maintain positive attitudes toward the police.
10. https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/j.1468-2435.2007.00409.x
a. Sarah S. Willen, International Migration, 7/19/7
b. Given the vast scope and magnitude of the phenomenon of so-called “illegal”
migration in the present historical moment, this article contends that
phenomenologically engaged ethnography has a crucial role to play in sensitizing
not only anthropologists, but also policymakers, politicians, and broader publics
to the complicated, often anxiety-ridden and frightening realities associated with
“the condition of migrant illegality,” both of specific host society settings and
comparatively across the globe. In theoretical terms, the article constitutes a
preliminary attempt to link pressing questions in the fields of legal anthropology
and anthropology of transnational migration, on one hand, with recent work by
phenomenologically oriented scholars interested in the anthropology of
experience, on the other. The article calls upon ethnographers of undocumented
transnational migration to bridge these areas of scholarship by applying what can
helpfully be characterized as a “critical phenomenological” approach to the study
of migrant “illegality” (Willen, 2006; see also Desjarlais, 2003). This critical
phenomenological approach involves a three-dimensional model of illegality: first,
as a form of juridical status; second, as a sociopolitical condition; and third, as a
mode of being-in-the-world. In developing this model, the article draws upon 26
non-consecutive months of ethnographic field research conducted within the
communities of undocumented West African (Nigerian and Ghanaian) and
Filipino migrants in Tel Aviv, Israel, between 2000 and 2004. During the first part
of this period, “illegal” migrants in Israel were generally treated as benign,
excluded “Others.” Beginning in mid-2002, however, a resource-intensive,
government-sponsored campaign of mass arrest and deportation reconfigured
the condition of migrant “illegality” in Israel and, in effect, transformed these
benign “Others” into wanted criminals. By analyzing this transformation the article
highlights the profound significance of examining not only the judicial and
sociopolitical dimensions of what it means to be “illegal” but also its impact on
migrants’ modes of being-in-the-world.
Iran
1. https://anthrosource.onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1002/j.cyo2.20110501.0004
a. Mohammad Hadi Sohrabi-Haghighat, Cyber Orient, 9/01/14
b. ​The increasing penetration of new communication technologies into everyday life
has attracted a growing interest in the social, economic and political implications
of these technologies. Most studies have looked at Western democratic societies
and the literature on the developing countries is unfortunately small in
comparison. In 2009 Iran witnessed a political upheaval in the aftermath of the
presidential election in which the Internet was utilized effectively by the political
opposition. News and videos of police brutality and repression were uploaded
online, including onto social networking sites, in what was called the ‘Twitter
Revolution’. Expectations rose on the capacity of new media to bring about
democratic change in Iran. Later developments, however, showed that ‘mouse
clicks’ alone do not produce profound political changes. In this article we look at
the role of the new media and the social and political functions it took on in the
post election period. We suggest that, firstly, new media has helped ordinary
citizens and the political opposition challenge the government’s monopoly of
information. Secondly, we suggest that new media have paved the way for the
emergence of a global public sphere for Iranians across the globe. This article
also looks at the social and cultural impacts of the satellite channels which have
been an ongoing source of concern for the Iranian conservative regime. Finally
we take a critical stance and analyze the effects of new communication
technologies in light of the ‘digital divide’ and ‘the radicalization of the Green
Movement’.
2. https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/07393148.2012.676394
a. Vasileios Karagiannopoulos, New Political Science, 5/21/12
b. This article focuses on the internet-facilitated revolutions of the Green Movement
in Iran in 2009 and the recent 2011 events in Egypt that led to the ousting of
Mubarak. In both cases of political unrest, the internet and mainly social media
were considered an important influence that helped spark and organize the
protests. However, the hype created on the internet’s relation to facilitating these
events has hindered a deeper understanding of some more crucial ways, as well
as the potential extent that digital communications can influence contemporary
political insurgencies. This article sheds some light on less explicitly articulated
aspects of these political events and the role of digital communications in them,
drawing conclusions by looking at the socio-political background and the protests
and countermeasures that took place in Iran and Egypt during the latest periods
of political unrest.
3. https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/10439463.2012.661430
a. Hamid R. Kusha, Policing and Society, 9/08/10
b. The foundational precepts of modern police professionalism were laid down by
the establishment of London Metropolitan Police in 1829 under Sir Robert Peel.
During his commission, Peel introduced organisational principles that were
gradually applied to Anglo-American policing that, in conjunction with the larger
democratisation processes, transformed western policing from its traditional
Praetorian Guards functionality to much more neutral law enforcer
professionalism. Applying this rationale to the case of Iran, this paper posits that
Iran’s National Police were modernised in form rather than in content under the
monarchy. In order to transform Iranian policing to western professionalism, Iran’s
National Police must be democratised.
4. https://link.springer.com/article/10.1057/dev.2009.19
a. Homa Hoodfar & Fatemeh Sadeghi, Against all Odds, 6/29/09
b. Homa Hoodfar and Fatemeh Sadeghi look at how the women’s movement built
their base and strength in the 2000s in the face of a highly charged and
politicized post-revolutionary Iran.
5. https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/10357718.2013.840263
a. Daniel Baldino, Jarrad Goold, Australian Journal of International Affairs, 10/31/13
b. This study examines the emergence of information and communications
technology (ICT) in facilitating political protest in the Middle East, with a focus on
the Iranian experience. With the rise of ‘emancipating technology’ to mobilise
popular support, many had hoped that the incumbent regime in Iran would be
steered towards a more democratic and less authoritarian path. At the same
time, the Iranian regime itself has shown an increasingly sophisticated technical
nous, constructing a centralised censorship network and using available
technology to proliferate propaganda and control and subdue cyber-protest. As
such, ICT has acted as a complex dual-edged sword in both mutually supporting
and suppressing political activism in modern-day Iran.
6. https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/10714421.2011.597240
a. Babak Rahimi, The Communication Review, 9/09/11
b. In this article an attempt is made to rethink the phenomenon of emerging social
media, not merely as a means of communication, but as social space wherein
confrontational activities of political significance take place. How do political
movements manifest new forums, promoting or resisting state power through
social networking sites such as Facebook, Flickr, Twitter, or YouTube? How do
states exert authority in the realm of digital activism? Unrest over official election
results in Iran represents a case in which social media sites shape distinct sites
wherein dissent is virtualized to challenge authoritarian rule, both offline and in
cyberspace. Such cyberspaces of protest should be viewed in close connection
with online governance through which the state can exert authority through
surveillance operations, propaganda, and hacktivism. Online social media are
agonistic arenas where information, ideas, values, and subjectivities are
contested between (uneven) adversaries, and where new contexts could
potentially emerge for new ways of doing politics.
7. https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/abs/pii/S0736585311000037
a. Telematics and Informatics, Farid Shirazi, February 2012
b. Since the introduction of the Internet in Iran, Iranian women have used this
medium not only as a means of accessing and disseminating information but also
as the means of voicing their concerns about discriminatory laws and to
participate in public discourse. In Iran, the Internet provided a voice to repressed
and marginalized groups, particularly young people and educated women. In
2003 the number of female Internet users in Iran reached a remarkably high
proportion of nearly half (49%) of the total Internet users in the country, according
to the International Telecommunication Union report (ITU, 2008). This constitutes
a total of 11.5 million female Internet users in Iran which is the highest level of
Internet penetration rate among Islamic countries in the Middle East. Since the
first Farsi blog appeared online in 2001, thousands of weblogs have been
created including blogs related to women’s issues in Iran. Blogging in Iran has
helped repressed and marginalized groups reach out, including women’s and
human rights activists, ethnic and religious minorities and Iranian youth to get
their voices heard and to challenge the long standing univocal government and
Islamic religious authorities. Women bloggers have been among the leading
bloggers within the Iranian blogosphere. By applying the theory of social action
and mobilization, this study finds that women’s digital activities prove to be an
effective means of participating in communication discourse and mobilizing the
female population of Iran in their struggle for a just and fair society.
8. https://search.informit.org/doi/abs/10.3316/INFORMIT.779404259110173
a. Frieda Afary, Green Left Weekly, November 2019
b. It took the popular uprisings in Iraq and Lebanon, following the earlier uprisings in
Sudan and Algeria this year, for the Iranian masses, especially unemployed and
student youth, to gain the courage to go out into the streets in large numbers
again.
9. https://academiccommons.columbia.edu/doi/10.7916/D8KD1VWT
a. Nishi Kumar, The Boundaries of Digital Activism, 2010
b. This paper examines the various ways Internet social media networks and new
media were used in the June 2009 Iranian demonstrations following the
contentious presidential election, the effectiveness of these media in mobilizing
and informing domestic and international audiences, and the implications for
freedom of speech, democratic norms, and human rights in Iran. While social
media played an important role in providing news and images to the global
audience, its domestic use was limited due to widespread distrust and
government censorship. Although new technology and digital activism enabled a
flow of information that would not traditionally exist in a closed society, the
contributions to Iranian democracy and human rights were negligible and
possibly even harmful.
10. https://dash.harvard.edu/handle/1/33826164
a. Lidija Spasojevic, Social Media as a Tool for Political Change, 4/07/17
b. The 2009 Iranian uprising and the 2011 Egyptian uprising were widely publicized
and closely followed by the global community. Social media became central to
the way each uprising was experienced, and social media made a major
contribution to the way the revolutions were explained to the outside world.
Scholars and journalists have praised the role of social media in these two
situations; Evgeny Morozov referred to it as a “liberator of authoritarian regimes,”
and arguing that “democracy is just a tweet away.”

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